Political Mobilization and the Underground Literature of the Quit India Movement, 1942–44

For nearly 100 years the Indian Congress organization has flourished in and through the press. Of the 72 representatives who gathered in Bombay at the first Congress meeting in 1885, more than a dozen were professional journalists. Not only did the early and subsequent nationalist leaders collect news for, editorialize in, or own outright, important vernacular and English-language newspapers—one thinks of, among others, Tilak's Kesari, Surendranath Banerjea's Bengalee, Motilal Nehru's Leader and Mahatma Gandhi's Young India and Harijan—but they readily submitted themselves to the curious, often naive probings of foreign correspondents from Europe and America. It was Gandhi who taught the Congress both how to spin its cotton and how, when it served a purpose, to wash its linen in public. Jawaharlal Nehru, when prime minister, brought to a high art the interview granted to the favored Indian or foreign correspondent.

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Lineages of the Developmentalist State: Transnationality and Village India, 1900–1965

Comparative Studies in Society and History ◽

10.1017/s0010417508000054 ◽

2008 ◽

Vol 50 (1) ◽

pp. 57-90 ◽

Cited By ~ 23

Author(s):

Subir Sinha

Keyword(s):

Community Development ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Economic Transformation ◽

The State ◽

Grain Production ◽

Planning Commission ◽

Pilot Projects ◽

Food Grain ◽

Formed Part ◽

Jawaharlal Nehru

On 2 October 1952, marking Gandhi's fourth birth anniversary after his assassination in 1948, Jawaharlal Nehru, the first prime minister of postcolonial India, launched the Community Development (CD) Programs. Dedicating the programs to Gandhi's memory allowed Nehru to claim symbolic legitimacy for them. At the same time, this centerpiece of Nehruvian policy in the Indian countryside was heavily interventionist, billed as “the method ... through which the [state] seeks to bring about social and economic transformation in India's villages” (Government of India 1952). In its heyday, CD preoccupied the Planning Commission, was linked to the office of the Prime Minister, had a ministry dedicated to it, and formed part of the domain of action of the rapidly proliferating state and other development agencies. Fifteen pilot projects, each covering 300 villages, were launched in all the major states. Planning documents of the day register high enthusiasm and optimism for these programs. However, by the mid-1960s, barely a decade after the fanfare of its launch, the tone of planners toward CD turned first despairing and then oppositional. They called for abandonment of its ambitious aim of the total development of Indian villages in favor of more focused interventions to achieve a rapid increase in food-grain production.

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Before Midnight

10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198743538.013.5 ◽

2010 ◽

Author(s):

Rahul Sagar

Keyword(s):

Twentieth Century ◽

Foreign Policy ◽

International Relations ◽

Foreign Relations ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Early Twentieth Century ◽

The Subject ◽

Jawaharlal Nehru

This chapter examines ideas about war, peace, and international relations over the century preceding independence, of which there were many more and in greater depth than widely supposed. It outlines how and why Indians first began to articulate views on the subject, and subsequently analyses these ideas. It proposes that, contrary to the opinion of some scholars, Indians thought carefully about the nature of international relations. Most importantly, it emphasizes the plurality of views on the subject, and explains how and why proponents of pragmatism in foreign relations came to be sidelined in the period immediately preceding independence. Several of the personalities developing notions of what a foreign policy for India should involve as of the early twentieth century, including India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, became important actors in formulating and implementing foreign policy post-independence.

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Arab League

International Organization ◽

10.1017/s0020818300035049 ◽

1951 ◽

Vol 5 (3) ◽

pp. 619-620

Keyword(s):

Saudi Arabia ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Foreign Minister ◽

Foreign Affairs ◽

The Political ◽

Collective Security ◽

Military Alliance ◽

The Press ◽

Arab League ◽

Syrian Conflict

On May 14, 1951 meetings were held of the Council and Political Committee of the Arab League in Damascus. Press reports indicated that the meeting of the Political Committee concerned the question of whether or not the Arab states should put into effect a real military alliance. On the same day the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Egyptian Chamber of Deputies had discussed the ratification of the Arab collective security pact. Egypt had been the originator of the pact which although initialled by six of the seven Arab nations had only been ratified by Saudi-Arabia. The press deduced from these reports that Syria wanted to know where it stood in case the Israeli-Syrian conflict became more serious. Iraq had already offered any support Syria asked for and sent some military detachments and an anti-aircraft unit through Syrian territory to the Israeli border. The Acting Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Israel (Sharett), however, in an address to the Knesset Parliament in Jerusalem, warned the Political Committee that Israel was firmly resolved to defend every inch of her territory against encroachment or domination by Syria.

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‘LESSER BREEDS WITHOUT THE LAW’: THE BRITISH ESTABLISHMENT AND THE DREYFUS AFFAIR, 1894–1899

The Historical Journal ◽

10.1017/s0018246x98007833 ◽

1998 ◽

Vol 41 (2) ◽

pp. 495-510 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

ROBERT TOMBS

Keyword(s):

Political Culture ◽

Prime Minister ◽

The Other ◽

Anglo Saxon ◽

Queen Victoria ◽

The Press ◽

Dreyfus Affair ◽

The Law ◽

The Times

Queen Victoria, her court, the embassy in Paris, the prime minister, and the press, led by The Times, were early and impassioned sympathizers with Alfred Dreyfus and bitter critics of his persecutors. This article traces the development of their views and the information available to them, analyses the principal themes as they saw them, and attempts to explain how and why they formed their opinions. It considers why the Dreyfusard position was so congenial to them. It argues that their own principles and prejudices – conservative, patriotic, Anglo-Saxon, and Protestant – were confirmed by a critique of French political culture, seen as corrupted by a combined heritage of absolutism, revolution, Catholicism, and demagoguery. This appears to be confirmed by contrast with the few dissenting voices in Britain, on one hand Catholic and Irish, on the other, anti-Semitic socialist, who showed little sympathy with the Dreyfusards, and even less with the views of their British supporters.

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The Oslo Accords: Their Context, Their Consequences

The Oslo Accords ◽

10.5743/cairo/9789774167706.003.0001 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Noam Chomsky

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Bill Clinton ◽

White House ◽

Palestine Liberation Organization ◽

Oslo Accords ◽

The Press ◽

Yasser Arafat ◽

Political Settlement

In September 1993, United States President Bill Clinton presided over a handshake between Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat on the White House lawn—capping off a “day of awe,” as the press described it with reverence. The occasion was the announcement of the Declaration of Principles (DOP) for political settlement of the Israel–Palestine conflict, which resulted from secret meetings in Oslo sponsored by the Norwegian government. This chapter examines the nature and significance of the Oslo Accords, and the consequences that flowed from them. It begins by reviewing highlights of the immediate background that set the context for the negotiations. It then turns to the DOP and the consequences of the Oslo process, which extends to the present, adding a few words on lessons that should be learned.

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Introduction

India and the Cold War ◽

10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651163.003.0001 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 1-16

Author(s):

Manu Bhagavan

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

Cold War ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Nuclear Science ◽

External Relations ◽

Political Conversation ◽

Science And Politics ◽

The Cold War ◽

Jawaharlal Nehru ◽

United Nation

The introduction presents India’s role in the Cold War by providing a background of India’s prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. Also briefly discussed are a summary of the United Nation and the role India played in political conversation, topics, and events such as human rights, India’s role as a peacemaker, involvement in the development nuclear science, and politics. The introduction then outlines India’s approach to the Cold War and explains the book’s thematic sections. Part I focuses on the interplay of a bifurcated subcontinent with the polarized superpowers. Part II accentuates India’s peacekeeping aspirations. Part III discusses the domestic economic and political developments that were deeply intertwined with external relations, ideologies, and interventionism during the Cold War. Lastly, in light of all three portions, the book assesses India’s multifaceted role in the Cold War.

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The National Defence College

10.1093/oso/9780190130220.003.0005 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 162-198

Author(s):

Vipul Dutta

Keyword(s):

Paradigm Shift ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Armed Forces ◽

Military Officers ◽

Roles And Responsibilities ◽

Fresh Perspective ◽

The Military ◽

Jawaharlal Nehru ◽

National Defence

The final chapter looks at the National Defence College (NDC) in Delhi that was inaugurated by India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in 1960. It is the last of the military institutional creations designed to meet the training needs of senior ranking Indian officers. This chapter will contextualise the emergence of the NDC in the changing perceptions, roles and responsibilities of the Indian Armed forces. It will dwell at length on the post-independence cohort of senior Indian military officers that represented the ‘constituency’ of the NDC, and re-look at their subsequent assignments which symbolised a paradigm shift in the mandate of the armed forces, thereby offering a fresh perspective on the post-independence phase of the military institutional ‘Indianisation’.

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Foreign Correspondents

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Communication ◽

10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.013.814 ◽

2019 ◽

Author(s):

Chris Paterson

Keyword(s):

Considerable Change ◽

International News ◽

International Media ◽

Foreign Correspondents ◽

News Stories ◽

High Profile ◽

Local Media ◽

Foreign Correspondent ◽

Story Selection

The role of foreign correspondent has long been prominent in journalism but is undergoing considerable change. While many in this role are considered elite, and have a very high profile, others practice their reporting in anonymous and sometimes precarious conditions. Prominent types of foreign correspondent are the capital correspondent, bureau chief, and conflict correspondent. Conflict correspondents can, in turn, be categorized into three main types depending on how they perceive their role: the propagandist; the recorder of history; and the moralist. The role of foreign correspondent has been the subject of a great deal of research, including analyses of news content focused on the nature of bias and story selection and framing in international reporting, and observational and interview-based studies of practitioners of the role. Research has sought to shift the focus from elite correspondents for international media organizations to the myriad local media professionals who play an increasing role in shaping international news stories; to the move toward social media as a newsgathering and news-dissemination tool; to the safety of journalists—as their work becomes increasingly imperiled around the world; and to the vital but largely hidden role of news agencies in shaping international news.

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Bypassing the press gallery: from Howard to Hanson

Media International Australia ◽

10.1177/1329878x18766077 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 167 (1) ◽

pp. 57-70 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

Caroline Fisher ◽

David Marshall ◽

Kerry McCallum

Keyword(s):

Social Media ◽

News Media ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Political News ◽

The Public ◽

Theoretical Position ◽

Digital Era ◽

The Press ◽

Social Media Platforms ◽

Media Logic

Traditionally politicians have been dependent on political news media to get their message across to the public. The rise of social media means that politicians can bypass the Press Gallery and publish directly to their target audiences via Facebook, Twitter and other social media platforms. This article argues that Prime Minister John Howard’s (1996–2007) use of talk back radio and early forays on YouTube were pivotal in the trend towards ‘disintermediation’ in Australian politics. It draws on two studies. One involving interviews with 87 key media actors from the Howard era including journalists, broadcasters, politicians and media advisers; and a second, which includes fresh interviews with contemporary press secretaries. This article examines the shift from a ‘mass media logic’ to a ‘hybrid logic’, considered from a mediatization theoretical position. We also ask important questions about the press gallery’s ongoing relevance in the digital era, when politicians preside over their own social media empires.

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