scholarly journals The partisan politics of the penal–welfare nexus: a quantitative analysis of party influence on the relationship between penal and welfare policies

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Helge Staff ◽  
Georg Wenzelburger

Abstract Evidence of a link between the retrenchment of the welfare state and the expansion of the penal state has sparked a debate about the existence of a nexus. In this study, we critically explore this link by focusing on political parties. First, we argue that welfare and penal policies are likely to follow distinct paths, with left-liberal/green parties pushing for less punitive penal and market-liberal/conservative parties for less generous welfare policy. Second, we only expect a nexus between both policy domains if conservative or “third way” social democratic governments are in power. The former follows a coherent ideology, the latter compensates for welfare retrenchment with tough-on-crime policies. We test these claims quantitatively on a unique dataset covering all changes to welfare and penal legislation in Denmark, Germany, the United Kingdom and France between 1990 and 2014 and find our expectations supported except conservative influence on the penal–welfare nexus.

2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 248-249
Author(s):  
Jill M. Vickers

This comparison of the relationship between organized fem- inism and partisan politics in Canada and the United States addresses two questions. First, Young asks how much orga- nized feminism has influenced partisan and electoral politics in each country. Second, she asks how political parties in each country have responded to organized feminism. She answers these questions by examining the relationship between each country's largest feminist organization and its party system and by showing how each relationship changed between 1970 and 1997. The result is an important and readable book that demonstrates the value of feminist political science as an approach, especially in comparative politics. The book is head and shoulders above many other texts about feminist political activism, mainly because of Young's ability to bridge between feminist ideas about politics and the comparative politics literature about political opportunities.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Servaas Storm

Questions about the decline of Social democracy continue to excite wide interest, even in the era of Covid-19. This paper takes a fresh look at topic. It argues that social democratic politics faces a fundamental dilemma: short-term practical relevance requires it to accept, at least partly, the very socio-economic conditions which it purports to change in the longer run. Bhaduri’s (1993) essay which analyzes social democracy’s attempts to navigate this dilemma by means of ‘a nationalization of consumption’ and Keynesian demand management, was written before the rise of New (‘Third Way’) Labor and before the Great Financial Crisis of 2007-8. This paper provides an update, arguing that New Labor’s attempt to rescue ‘welfare capitalism’ entailed a new solution to the dilemma facing social democracy based on an expansion of employment, i.e. an all-out emphasis on “jobs, jobs, jobs”. The flip-side (or social cost) of the emphasis on job growth has been a stagnation of productivity growth—which, in turn, has put the ‘welfare state’ under increasing pressure of fiscal austerity. The popular discontent and rise of ‘populist’ political parties is closely related to the failure of New Labor to navigate social democracy’s dilemma.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 565-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Baker

This article traces the trajectory of UK government social policy since World War Two, with particular reference to the shifts in the past 10 to 15 years towards concepts such as multi-level governance, localism, the Third Way and the Big Society. It describes the shifting relationships between institutional religion and the State during that period, tracking the ‘return of faith’ in government policy and social welfare as it seeks to address a number of intractable social and economic issues related to cohesion and inequality, as well as a perceived absence of moral and ethical norms within public life. The article proposes a set of new analytical concepts (based on recent empirical research from the US and the UK) which seek to describe and evaluate this new ‘post-secular’ relationship between faith and government. The article concludes that the new ‘post-welfare’ landscape will continue to play well to the existing strengths and positionalities of religion, faith and spirituality in the UK as the twenty-first century moves into its second decade.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Scarpa ◽  
Carl-Ulrik Schierup

Within the EU, the so-called “refugee crisis” has been predominantly dealt with as an ill-timed and untenable financial burden. Since the 2007–08 financial crisis, the overarching objective of policy initiatives by EU-governments has been to keep public expenditure firmly under control. Thus, Sweden’s decision to grant permanent residence to all Syrians seeking asylum in 2013 seemed to represent a paradigmatic exception, pointing to the possibility of combining a humanitarian approach in the “long summer of migration” with generous welfare provisions. At the end of 2015, however, Sweden reversed its asylum policy, reducing its intake of refugees to the EU-mandated minimum. The main political parties embraced the mainstream view that an open-door refugee policy is not only detrimental to the welfare state, but could possibly trigger a “system breakdown”. In this article, we challenge this widely accepted narrative by arguing that the sustainability of the Swedish welfare state has not been undermined by refugee migration but rather by the Swedish government’s unbending adherence to austerity politics. Austerity politics have weakened the Swedish welfare state’s socially integrative functions and prevented the implementation of a more ambitious growth agenda, harvesting a potentially dynamic interplay of expansionary economic policies and a humanitarian asylum policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Durmus A. Yuksek ◽  
Ozgur Solakoglu

Abstract Although numerous studies have confirmed the relationship between welfare states and social capital, their arguments have been contradictory. Some argue that strong welfare states crowd out social capital, while others consider the welfare state as a stimulator of social capital. However, research focusing on both the arguments simultaneously and considering whether or not welfare states can both make and break social capital is almost unavailable. Also, individual attitudes toward the welfare state have mainly been the neglected part of this research tradition. Concordantly, findings of this study suggest that regardless of the strength of the civil society, a welfare state can both crowd out and crowd in social capital. While the comprehensiveness of the welfare state plays a part in stimulating or rather unlikely destroying social capital, it is actually the particular design, implementation of the welfare policies, and legitimacy of the state officials that make or break social capital.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-404
Author(s):  
Nur Khasanah ◽  
Achmad Irwan Hamzani

AbstractThis study discusses the relation between religion and democracy; critical examination of the existence of Islamic parties in Indonesia. This study is a qualitative study based on library (library research). The approach used is descriptive qualitative which aims to illustrate or describe the reality that exists or what is happening or the actual reality of the object under study. Then interpreted in the form of a report. The approach used is the cultural anthropology approach. The results of this study indicate that Muslims interpret the relationship of religion and democracy to occur in three models, namely the negative, neutral and positive models. In the context of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, the basic problem is the inability of parties to package democratic issues, starting from the emergence of religious sentiment, politicization of religion, political pragmatism in PKS parties. Furthermore, the PPP party has problems with party regeneration, leadership dualism, and political attitudes. Whereas the UN party is seen in the absence of a leader figure and political culture.Keywords: Religion, Democracy, Islamic Party AbstrakStudi ini membahas tentang relasi agama dan demokrasi; telaah kritis eksistensi Partai-Partai Islam di Indonesia. Kajian ini merupakan studi kualitatif berbasis kepustakaan (library research). Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif yang bertujuan untuk memberi gambaran atau mendeskripsikan kenyataan yang ada atau apa yang terjadi atau kenyataan sebenarnya pada obyek yang diteliti. Kemudian diinterprestasikan dalam bentuk laporan. Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah pendekatan antropologi budaya. Hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa kaum muslim memaknai bahwa relasi agama dan demokrasi terjadi dalam tiga model, yakni model negatif, netral, dan positif. Dalam konteks partai-partai politik Islam di Indonesia, problem mendasar adalah ketidakmampuan partai dalam mengemas isu-isu demokrasi, mulai dari muncul sentimen keagamaan, politisasi agama, pragmatisme politik pada partai PKS. Selanjutnya pada partai PPP terdapat masalah pada kaderisasi partai, dualisme kepemimpinan, dan sikap politik. Sedangkan pada partai PBB terlihat pada ketiadaan figur pemimpin  dan kultur politik.Kata Kunci: Agama, Demokrasi, Partai Islam


Author(s):  
Alexander Motsyk

The article is devoted to the study of modern trends of integration processes. We studied the methodological principles and approaches to the study of the integration of subjects. Specifically analyzed integration levels: individual, regional, domestic, interstate, global. Also, isolated and characterized various forms of integration: political, economic, informational, cultural and others. We analyzed the integration process as a result of the relationship, cooperation, convergence and integration into a single unit of any parts, components countries, their economies, social and political structures, cultural, social and political groups, ethnic groups, political parties, movements and organizations. It is proved that integration has several levels of development. Interaction at the level of enterprises and organizations (first level) – directly to producers of goods and services. The integration of the economies of the main links of different countries is complemented by the interaction at the country level (the second level). The third level of development of integration processes – interaction at the level of parties and organizations, social groups and individuals from different countries – can be defined as a social and political one. Fourth level – is the level of the actual integration group as an economic community, with its characteristics and peculiarities. It was noted that today is used by political science approaches to the study of integration. It is important to the following principles: federalism, functionalism, communicative approach, and others. Keywords: Integration, levels, approaches, studies, European integration, politics, economics, features


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Mhd Alfahjri Sukri

This research was conducted to see how Mohammad Natsir thought about the relationship between Islam and Pancasila. This study also explains the causes of Natsir's change of mind which initially supported Pancasila as part of Islam and later turned into an opponent of Pancasila in Konstituante on 11 November to 6 December 1957. The methodology used was a qualitative method by describing the results of the analysis carried out. The research data is obtained through a review of documents and scientific literature. The results of the study show that Mohammad Natsir's change of mind regarding the relationship between Islam and Pancasila was influenced by Mohammad Natsir's political socialization which began from Natsir's view of Islam influenced by the childhood environment (conditional and socio-cultural) in Minangkabau; direct influence from national figures such as Ahmad Hassan, H. Agus Salim, Sheikh Ahmad Syurkati and H. O Tjokroaminoto; the indirect influence of international figures throughout reading book such as Hassan Al-Banna, Amir Syakib Arselan, Rashid Ridha and Muhammad Abduh; the influence of Natsir's organization and political parties, namely Jong Islamieten Bond (JIB), Islamic Unity (Persis), and Masyumi political parties; and the influence of the political conditions at that time which made Natsir's views change, which initially accepted Pancasila and then became an opponent of the Pancasila. This research shown there are two patterns of Natsir's relationship with Pancasila, namely (1) Natsir accepted Pancasila and, (2) Natsir opposed Pancasila.


Author(s):  
András Sajó ◽  
Renáta Uitz

This chapter examines the relationship between parliamentarism and the legislative branch. It explores the evolution of the legislative branch, leading to disillusionment with the rationalized law-making factory, a venture run by political parties beyond the reach of constitutional rules. The rise of democratically bred party rule is positioned between the forces favouring free debate versus effective decision-making in the legislature. The chapter analyses the institutional make-up and internal operations of the legislature, the role of the opposition in the legislative assembly, and explores the benefits of bicameralism for boosting the powers of the legislative branch. Finally, it looks at the law-making process and its outsourcing via delegating legislative powers to the executive.


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