Working for McDonald's, France: Resistance to the Americanization of Work

2006 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marianne Debouzy

Since 9/11 an enormous amount of literature and media coverage has been devoted to anti-Americanism in France. Yet the American model seems to be overwhelmingly present in French life and culture. There is a fascination for it among all classes, from disadvantaged suburban youths who try to imitate African Americans, follow American clothing fashions, and have Power Rangers as heroes, to political elites who never tire of recommending to us the American model (pension funds, the two-party system, education, etc.) and propose adapting it to the French setting. Nothing illustrates this paradox better than the controversial and popular institution of McDonald's in France, which is loved and hated to the point of occasionally provoking a national crisis as well as a number of social conflicts in recent years. After retracing briefly the expansion of McDonald's in France, I will examine the opposition it has aroused, making a distinction between political opposition and opposition in the workplace, which takes the form of a struggle against working conditions, the conception of Mcwork and McManagement. I will look at the people who carry on this struggle and what it all means in terms of resistance to “Americanization.”

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 266-273
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Palitai

The article is devoted to the modern Russian party system. In the first part of the article, the author shows the historical features of the parties formation in Russia and analyzes the reasons for the low turnout in the elections to the State Duma in 2016. According to the author the institutional reasons consist in the fact that the majority of modern political parties show less and less ability to produce new ideas, and the search for meanings is conducted on the basis of the existing, previously proposed sets of options. Parties reduce the topic of self-identification in party rhetoric, narrowing it down to “branded” ideas or focusing on the image of the leader. In addition, the author shows the decrease in the overall political activity of citizens after the 2011 elections, and points out that the legislation amendments led to the reduction of the election campaigns duration and changes in the voting system itself. The second part of the article is devoted to the study of the psychological aspects of the party system. The author presents the results of the investigation of images of the parties as well as the results of the population opinion polls, held by the centers of public opinion study. On the basis of this data, the author concludes that according to the public opinion the modern party system is ineffective, and the parties don’t have real political weight, which leads to the decrease of the interest in their activities and confidence in them. The author supposes that all this may be the consequence of the people’s fatigue from the same persons in politics, but at the same time the electorate’s desire to see new participants in political processes is formulated rather vaguely, since, according to the people, this might not bring any positive changes.


2020 ◽  
pp. 026666692096984
Author(s):  
Wesley Shu ◽  
Songquan Pang ◽  
Minder Chen

Knowledge management (KM) is a complicated process that involves socialization, externalization, combination, and internalization and requires close collaboration among the people involved. Although Nonaka proposed the SECI (Socialization, Externalization, Combination, Internalization) model and the concept of Ba, which provides a process-oriented view of knowledge creation and transfer, practicing it is rather ad hoc. COVID-19 has provided a chance for practitioners to find a new method for KM. In this study, we adapted a group problem-solving system called TeamSpirit and structured it as a Ba for the SECI model. We then compared TeamSpirit with two other implementations of Ba, email and face-to-face communication, to evaluate their effects on knowledge externalization, knowledge combination, and knowledge internalization. Then, we evaluated whether these knowledge-conversion processes could improve knowledge acquisition and intention to share knowledge. A 3 × 2 mixed factorial design experiment was conducted. The results show that (a) TeamSpirit was better than the others, and face-to-face was better than email for each of the three knowledge conversion processes (externalization, combination, and internalization) and (b) the better the team’s knowledge conversion process lead, the stronger its knowledge acquisition and knowledge-sharing intention.


2013 ◽  
Vol 774-776 ◽  
pp. 94-98
Author(s):  
Dao Yuan Pan ◽  
Peng Peng Wu ◽  
Zhong Xue Gao ◽  
Yu Zeng Zhang

Based on actual working conditions and parameters of the hydraulic steering gear, the purpose is optimizing the rubber seal of steering gear by different rubbers mixing technology. Compare the five kinds of rubber with metal of the friction characteristics in dynamic fit, it can obtain a performance excellent rubber real in the specific operation conditions. And then improve the overall service life of the steering gear. It is first prepared the same hardness TPU and PVC and blends that the ratio is 3:7, 5:5and7:3 in this article. The pros and cons of the five rubbers are analyzed in friction and wear properties of the above experimental. The test curve of coefficient friction and wear with time has been done under different load at constant low speed. It determines TPU/PVC = 3:7 blends through friction and wear and wear mechanism of five rubbers with steel comparatively analyses, and the heat resistance and wear resistance of them are better than the other TPU/PVC blends and PVC under oil lubrication conditions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342110278
Author(s):  
Inaya Rakhmani ◽  
Muninggar Sri Saraswati

All around the globe, populism has become increasingly prominent in democratic societies in the developed and developing world. Scholars have attributed this rise at a response to the systematic reproduction of social inequalities entwined with processes of neoliberal globalisation, within which all countries are inextricably and dynamically linked. However, to theorise populism properly, we must look at its manifestations in countries other than the West. By taking the case of Indonesia, the third largest democracy and the largest economy in Southeast Asia, this article critically analyses the role of the political campaign industry in mobilising narratives in electoral discourses. We use the Gramscian notion of consent and coercion, in which the shaping of populist narratives relies on mechanisms of persuasion using mass and social media. Such mechanisms allow the transformation of political discourses in conjunction with oligarchic power struggle. Within this struggle, political campaigners narrate the persona of political elites, while cyber armies divide and polarise, to manufacture allegiance and agitation among the majority of young voters as part of a shifting social base. As such, we argue that, together, the narratives – through engineering consent and coercion – construct authoritarian populism that pits two crowds of “the people” against each other, while aligning them with different sections of the “elite.”


1999 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-154
Author(s):  
Subrata Kumar Mitra ◽  
Mike Enskat
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Maurer ◽  
Jörg Haßler ◽  
Simon Kruschinski ◽  
Pablo Jost

Abstract This study compares the balance of newspaper and television news coverage about migration in two countries that were differently affected by the so-called “refugee crisis” in 2015 in terms of the geopolitical involvement and numbers of migrants being admitted. Based on a broad consensus among political elites, Germany left its borders open and received about one million migrants mainly from Syria during 2015. In contrast, the conservative British government was heavily attacked by oppositional parties for closing Britain’s borders and, thus, restricting immigration. These different initial situations led to remarkable differences between the news coverage in both countries. In line with news value theory, German media outlets reported much more on migration than did their British counterparts. In line with indexing theory, German news coverage consonantly reflected the consensual view of German political elites, while British news media reported along their general editorial lines.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nayla Fawzi

A common feature among populist parties and movements is their negative perspective on the media’s role in society. This paper analyzes whether citizens with a populist worldview also hold negative attitudes toward the media. From a theoretical point of view, the paper shows that both the anti-elite, anti-outgroup and people centrism dimension of populism contradicts the normative expectations toward the media. For instance, the assumption of a homogeneous people and the exclusion of a societal outgroup is incompatible with a pluralistic media coverage. The results of a representative survey in Germany predominantly confirmed a relation between a populist worldview and negative media attitudes. However, the three populism dimensions influenced the evaluations not in a consistent way. A systematic relation could only be found for antielite populism, which is negatively associated with all analyzed media evaluations such as media trust or satisfaction with the media’s performance. This indicates that in a populist worldview, the media are perceived as part of a detached elite that neglects the citizens’ interests. However, the results confirm the assumption of a natural ally between populism and tabloid or commercial media. Individuals with people centrist and anti-outgroup attitudes have higher trust in these media outlets.


2003 ◽  
Vol 109 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate Slattery

The last few years have been an awakening time for the people, communities and governments of the global village. Escalating problems in the Middle East, global economic uncertainty and an increase in asylum seekers, refugees and migration worldwide have reignited tensions involving boundaries and borders, both geographical and cognitive. One event which highlighted these tensions in Australia, and which was given much media coverage, was the ‘children overboard’ event in October 2001. Utilising a selection of print news coverage of the event, this paper explores how the ‘children overboard’ event demarcated national identities and spaces through the construction and representation of ‘good’ Australian citizens and ‘bad’ asylum seeker ‘others’. Specifically referring to ‘children overboard’ as an ‘event’, I seek to highlight the constructed and representational nature of ‘children overboard’ as a media story and political tool, one which promoted a continuing threat of ‘others’ to the nation in order to gain support for government policy and legitimize national security, and in so doing creating a model of Australian citizenship and identity based upon fear.


2014 ◽  
Vol 511-512 ◽  
pp. 561-564
Author(s):  
Ji Bo Li ◽  
Wei Ning Ni ◽  
San Guo Li ◽  
Zu Yang Zhu

Pressure resistant performance of Measure While Drilling (MWD) microchip tracer to withstand the harsh downhole environment is one of the key issues of normal working. Therefore, it is an effective way to analyze pressure resistant performance of the tracer in the design phase. Compressive strength of the tracer was studied based on finite element method. Considering downhole complexity and working conditions during the processing of tracer roundness, material non-uniformity and other factors. In this study, researchers took sub-proportion failure criterion to determine the failure of tracer. Simulation results of two structures, with pin and without pin, show that both structures met the requirement of downhole compressive strength, and the structure with pin was better than the structure without pin. This study provides basis for downhole application of microchip tracers.


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