Hispanic American Historical Studies in Spain: Trends and Prospects

Itinerario ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-136
Author(s):  
Guillermo Céspedes del Castillo

After several attempts and failures, the Asociación Española de Americanistas was, at last, formally established in 1983. The association is now in the process of being affiliated to the European Council of Social Research on Latin America. In this way, Spain's americanistas are trying -with not much success, I would say - to organize themselves as a professional body, and also to create an institutional frame for coordination of their research, publications, library resources and representation of their common interests. There is no hope of the Asociación ever reaching the effectiveness of, for instance, the German Arbeitsgemeinschaft Deutsche Latinamerika–Forschung in the early 1970s, but at least we start to think - if not to move - in the right direction, namely, of solidarity and cooperation on a national scale.

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


Atmosphere ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 272
Author(s):  
Ning Li ◽  
Junli Xu ◽  
Xianqing Lv

Numerous studies have revealed that the sparse spatiotemporal distributions of ground-level PM2.5 measurements affect the accuracy of PM2.5 simulation, especially in large geographical regions. However, the high precision and stability of ground-level PM2.5 measurements make their role irreplaceable in PM2.5 simulations. This article applies a dynamically constrained interpolation methodology (DCIM) to evaluate sparse PM2.5 measurements captured at scattered monitoring sites for national-scale PM2.5 simulations and spatial distributions. The DCIM takes a PM2.5 transport model as a dynamic constraint and provides the characteristics of the spatiotemporal variations of key model parameters using the adjoint method to improve the accuracy of PM2.5 simulations. From the perspective of interpolation accuracy and effect, kriging interpolation and orthogonal polynomial fitting using Chebyshev basis functions (COPF), which have been proved to have high PM2.5 simulation accuracy, were adopted to make a comparative assessment of DCIM performance and accuracy. Results of the cross validation confirm the feasibility of the DCIM. A comparison between the final interpolated values and observations show that the DCIM is better for national-scale simulations than kriging or COPF. Furthermore, the DCIM presents smoother spatially interpolated distributions of the PM2.5 simulations with smaller simulation errors than the other two methods. Admittedly, the sparse PM2.5 measurements in a highly polluted region have a certain degree of influence on the interpolated distribution accuracy and rationality. To some extent, adding the right amount of observations can improve the effectiveness of the DCIM around existing monitoring sites. Compared with the kriging interpolation and COPF, the results show that the DCIM used in this study would be more helpful for providing reasonable information for monitoring PM2.5 pollution in China.


2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco Becerra-Posada ◽  
Miryam Minayo ◽  
Cristiane Quental ◽  
Sylvia de Haan

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 47-92

Some major crises, such as wars, may redraw the features of society with all its groups, ideologies and policies it adopts. In these few pages, we try to discuss objectively, not mixed with bias, some of the bright aspects in the city of Mosul after its liberation from the clutches of infidelity and extremism, starting from a scientific reference that distinguishes what was the situation in the city of Mosul during the days of ISIS terrorist gangs He explained the current situation after its liberation, assuming that the current situation is witnessing a kind of gradual improvement despite the state of anxiety experienced by the residents of Mosul, which may turn into a state of protest and revolution with a negative content if they are not compensated and return their societal status to what it was, if conditions and opportunities are not available For a new societal renaissance based on all partners in restoring stability to the city. This study, despite its simplicity, adheres to a scientific and methodological character, to determine some geographical, historical, and cultural dimensions characteristic of the city of Mosul in Iraq, and we referred to some hotbeds of tension and conflict, in addition to the factors of calm, dialogue and cooperation, up to the desired state of stability in which we were keen to clarify the role Social service as a scientific field specialized in achieving a state of security and stability in the local communities of post-conflict areas liberated from ISIS terrorism. The sensitivity of the topic, the severity of its complexity and the variability of the references of his analysis, may make the researcher confronting his study feel embarrassed, and therefore it is useful not to expose the causes of the fall of the city of Mosul to the hands of ISIS terrorist groups Notice that as we search in the present we do not dispense with history, and as we stress the importance of security and stability, we do not have the right to neglect the national sacrifices of the men of the security forces and the popular crowd, recalling the fact that these sacrifices are not a temporary, contingent structure, or a fabricated formation that can be easily overcome. A national historical position, with whom Holiness is a measure of faith, but at the same time and in response to those sacrifices and efforts to liberate the city of Mosul and eliminate the so-called terrorist ISIS, as much as it contains the tenacity and persistence of liberation, there is a measure of the possibility of dissociation, dissipation and loss. The matter depends on many factors, foremost among which is the availability of a collective sense of belonging to a national and spatial space, with all its history, memory, experiences, and common interests, a place called: a homeland, a national status called: loyalty and belonging, and a governmental action called: ages and concern. Keywords: Refraction and refraction


1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 353-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Grugel ◽  
Monica Quijada

In December 1938 an alliance of the Radical, Communist and Socialist parties took office in Chile, the first Popular Front to come to power in Latin America. A few months later, in Spain, the Nationalist forces under Generalísimo Franco occupied Madrid, bringing an end to the civil war. Shortly after, a serious diplomatic conflict developed between Spain and Chile, in which most of Latin America gradually became embroiled. It concerned the fate of 17 Spanish republicans who had sought asylum in the Chilean embassy in the last days of the seige of Madrid, and culminated in July 1940 when the Nationalist government broke off relations with Chile. Initially, the issue at the heart of the episode was the right to political asylum and the established practice of Latin American diplomatic legations of offering protection to individuals seeking asylum (asilados). The causes of the conflict, however, became increasingly obscured as time went on. The principles at stake became confused by mutual Spanish– Chilean distrust, the Nationalists' ideological crusade both within Spain and outside and the Chilean government's deep hostility to the Franco regime, which it saw as a manifestation of fascism. The ideological gulf widened with the onset of the Second World War. This article concentrates primarily, although not exclusively, on the first part of the dispute, April 1939–January 1940. In this period asylum, which is our main interest, was uppermost in Spanish–Chilean diplomatic correspondence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 449-455
Author(s):  
V.H. Valentino ◽  
Heri Satria Setiawan ◽  
Muhammad Tri Habibie ◽  
Retna Ningsih ◽  
Dona Katrina ◽  
...  

There are many learning media during the Covid 19 pandemic, some use online media and offline media, online media are also of many kinds, some are in the form of videos, pictures or writing, but there are also many learning media that combine all learning media, examples are online media youtube, with youtube media students will be able to view learning material repeatedly because videos can be downloaded. The method used in research is to use the literature review method, a method that can help in this study because it can find new problems in future research. The problem raised in this research is wanting to know the right media and making comparisons of online and offline media during the new normal period after the COVID-19 pandemic. This research produces data that can prove that the right media is in the new normal period, this is done to common interests and the nation.


Author(s):  
Deborah Roberts

This chapter introduces the underlying principles of decision making. You will be encouraged to consider decision making as a student in university together with decision making as a student nurse (see Chapter 1 ). In 2010, following a review of pre-registration nursing education, the professional body for nursing in the United Kingdom, the Nursing and Midwifery Council (NMC), published new Standards for Pre-Registration Nursing Education , including competencies that all students must achieve to qualify as a registered nurse. These competencies have to be met in four broad areas known as ‘domains’. 1. Professional values 2. Communication and interpersonal skills 3. Nursing practice and decision making 4. Leadership, management, and team working You will find reference to these domains throughout the book, and there will be an opportunity to learn how the competencies in each of these that relate to decision making can be linked to your clinical and university-based learning. There are a number of terms that can be found in the literature that are often used interchangeably; you may see terms such as ‘decision making’, ‘problem solving’, ‘clinical reasoning’ or ‘clinical judgement’, and others used when writers are discussing how and why nurses respond to clinical situations in a particular way (see Chapter 1 for more detail). For example, Levett-Jones et al. (2010: 515) provide a helpful definition of clinical reasoning as ‘the process by which nurses collect cues, process the information, come to an understanding of a patient problem or situation, plan and implement interventions, evaluate outcomes, and reflect on and learn from the process’. They also emphasize that a nurse’s ability to develop these clinical reasoning skills depends on what they term as ‘five rights’—that is, the nurse’s ability ‘to collect the right cues and to take the right action for the right patient at the right time and for the right reason’. In the context of ensuring that any patient receives the best possible care, these ‘five rights’ are very appropriate, and indeed if one were to fail to pick up on the right cues and to take the appropriate actions in many clinical situations, the outcome may have serious repercussions for the nurse and the patient.


theoretically achieved back in the 1960s, meant the abolition of all barriers. In practice, the latter had remained a pious aspiration so long as a whole host of technical, fiscal and other barriers existed. Early in 1985 the Commission produced a white paper on establishing a single market. This, together with the report by the Dooge Committee, established at Fontainebleau to examine institutional issues, formed the major agenda when the European Council met in Milan in late June 1985 and took the crucial decisions which were to lead to the negotiation and signature of SEA. The Milan European Council was an early demonstration of the new Franco-German axis. Analysis of these events should properly focus on three critical features. First, the European Council confirmed its assumption of direct responsibility for all major decisions. In 1984 this involved enlargement and the budget. In 1985 it embraced ‘completion’ of the Community itself in the shape of the single market. Second, the actual decision to hold an inter-governmental conference (IGC), which would give a treaty base to foreign policy co-operation and revise some of the institutional arrangements, was taken by a majority despite opposition from Britain, Denmark and Greece. Italian Prime Minister Craxi as President of the European Council played a key role in this. Third, despite objections to developing European structures and institutions, Britain attached sufficient importance to the single market to accept a majority decision on the IGC. The lead up to the IGC had been long and tortuous, but the actual negotiation of the SEA was relatively simple. The IGC met in September, and by January an agreed text had emerged. The treaty itself is analysed in the next chapter. Its main features were agreement to implement the single market by the end of 1992, the establishment of a legal basis for Political Co-operation and a number of institutional reforms. Whilst not formally repudiating the Luxembourg compromise with its apparent extension of the national veto, member states seemed to have reached some understanding that in future the spirit of the original treaties would apply. The point is underlined by the fact that virtually all the provisions relating to the single market would be implemented by majority vote. In the immediate aftermath of the ratification of the SEA, some observers drew attention to the gap between aspirations expressed by Parliament in its Draft Treaty and the actual achievement. Although true, such comments are wide of the mark. In the negotiating process Parliament was little more than a bystander with the right to be heard. The member states were anxious to achieve a relaunching of the move towards unification after a period of apparent

2006 ◽  
pp. 84-84

Author(s):  
Dominic McGoldrick

This chapter discusses the sources, scope, and limitations of the four fundamental freedoms: thought, expression, association, and assembly. Freedom of thought includes freedom of conscience, religion, and belief. Freedom of expression includes freedom of opinion and freedom of information. Freedom of association concerns the right to establish autonomous organizations through which individuals pursue common interests together. The right of assembly protects non-violent, organized, temporary gatherings in public and private, both indoors and outdoors.


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