9.6 Grass Silages Ensiled with Either Formic Acid or a Lactobacillus Preparation and their Digestion by Jersey Cattle

1982 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 185-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. A. Rooke ◽  
I. M. Brookes ◽  
D. G. Armstrong

The use of silage additives containing lactic acid bacteria and enzymes to promote a rapid homolactic type fermentation has met with some success in the United States but the little evidence available (see Burghardi, Goodrich and Meiske, 1980) suggests that, for grass silages, the value of this type of additive is limited. However, in laboratory silos, inoculation with lactic acid bacteria has been shown to be effective in reducing proteolysis (Carpintero, Henderson and McDonald, 1979).The recent availability in the UK of a commercial product containing a lactic acid bacteria inoculum and the non-toxicity and ease of application of this product prompted this investigation, which describes the assessment of a silage prepared with this type of additive in comparison with a well characterized additive, formic acid.

Author(s):  
C S Mayne

Recent research at this Institute has shown marked improvements in animal performance following the use of bacterial inoculants as silage additives (Gordon, 1989 and Mayne, 1990). Other studies with additives based on antimicrobial carboxylic salts (Maxgrass - BP Chemicals) have also shown large improvements in animal performance relative to untreated silage (Chamberlain et al, 1990). However with constraints on milk output in the form of milk quotas, it is important to investigate the potential “concentrate sparing” effect of these differing silage additives, whilst producing a constant yield of milk constituents.Five silages with a range of fermentation characteristics were produced by ensiling first regrowth herbage either untreated (C) or treated with four differing silage additives including: an inoculant of lactic acid bacteria (I); an inoculant of lactic acid bacteria plus enzymes (I+E); formic acid applied at 2.54 litres/t grass (FA) and antimicrobial carboxylic acids applied at 5.95 litres/t grass (CA).


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2020 ◽  
Vol 119 (820) ◽  
pp. 303-309
Author(s):  
J. Nicholas Ziegler

Comparing the virus responses in Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States shows that in order for scientific expertise to result in effective policy, rational political leadership is required. Each of these three countries is known for advanced biomedical research, yet their experiences in the COVID-19 pandemic diverged widely. Germany’s political leadership carefully followed scientific advice and organized public–private partnerships to scale up testing, resulting in relatively low infection levels. The UK and US political responses were far more erratic and less informed by scientific advice—and proved much less effective.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 1151
Author(s):  
Yunchao Bai ◽  
Brian H. Yim ◽  
John Breedlove ◽  
James J. Zhang

As a biennial event, the Ryder Cup is a men’s golf competition between teams from Europe and the United States. Ernst & Young (EY) and Standard Life Investments (SLI), who are in same business category (i.e., financial services), have served as official partners of the event in recent years. While the two firms are willing to move away from the traditional sponsorship practices of category exclusivity deals, both have been able to achieve significant success through their collaborative efforts in activating their sponsorships. This is a new, fascinating phenomenon in both sponsorship concept and practice. Through an exploratory inductive inquiry process, in this study we conduct a case analysis by examining the sponsorship activations of EY and SLI at the 2014 Ryder Cup event held in the UK. The findings demonstrate that social media plays an impactful role in the companies’ ability to engage target audiences. EY used the Ryder Cup captain as a brand ambassador, who embodied its sponsorship theme of leadership and teamwork. SLI focused on running advertising campaigns to build company image and increase brand awareness.


Societies ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Zeynep Correia

Airports are located at the core of the production process, but can they also be where the “revolutionary subject” is hidden? We know what airports stand for nowadays, but have we pushed for what they could possibly stand for? Can airports, as a form of urban technology, be reimagined beyond their current roles of a “space technology nexus” driving capital movement? Can we imagine, idealize, and locate them somewhere else in a period dominated by the economy of time, where speed and accessibility matter the most? In this framework, this provocative essay aims to frame airports as a protest and public expression venue. Drawing inspiration from recent examples, such as the Stansted Airport protests in the UK, the Occupy Airports protests that occurred all around the United States, and touching upon the divergent example of Turkey’s 15th of July night protests in 2016, I provide a glimpse of an alternative prospect for this key urban infrastructure.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 244-250
Author(s):  
Jayeon Kim ◽  
◽  
Rajaraman Bharanidharan ◽  
Geumhwi Bang ◽  
Soonwoo Jeong ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
Vol 122 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-131
Author(s):  
Bob Oram

For the UK struggling to deal with the Covid-19 pandemic, the experience of Cuba’s Ministry of Public Health over the past six decades provides the clearest case for a single, universal health system constituting an underlying national grid dedicated to prevention and care; an abundance of health professionals, accessible everywhere; a world-renowned science and biotech capability; and an educated public schooled in public health. All this was achieved despite being under a vicious blockade by the United States for all of that time.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-392
Author(s):  
Thomas W. Cawkwell

Britain’s war in Afghanistan – specifically its latter stages, where the UK’s role and casualties sustained in the conflict rose dramatically – coincided with the institutional emergence of Ministry of Defence-led ‘Strategic Communication’. This article examines the circumstances through which domestic strategic communication developed within the UK state and the manner in which the ‘narratives’ supporting Britain’s role in Afghanistan were altered, streamlined and ‘securitised’. I argue that securitising the Afghanistan narrative was undertaken with the intention of misdirecting an increasingly sceptical UK public from the failure of certain aspects of UK counter-insurgency strategy – specifically its counter-narcotics and stabilisation efforts – by focusing on counter-terrorism, and of avoiding difficult questions about the UK’s transnational foreign and defence policy outlook vis-à-vis the United States by asserting that Afghanistan was primarily a ‘national security’ issue. I conclude this article by arguing that the UK’s domestic strategic communication approach of emphasising ‘national security interests’ may have created the conditions for institutionalised confusion by reinforcing a narrow, self-interested narrative of Britain’s role in the world that runs counter to its ongoing, ‘transnationalised’ commitments to collective security through the United States and NATO.


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