Nowhere to Go and No Way to Get There: Congressional Relations in the Early Bush Administration

1989 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-4 ◽  
Author(s):  
George C. Edwards

The transition and the president's first year in office is the most important period for establishing the tone and character of the White House's relationship with Congress. It is the time of closest scrutiny and the greatest vulnerability to making major mistakes. Taking the right steps early and avoiding errors can lay in the foundation for a productive working relationship. Actions taken in this period create lasting impressions. According to Max Friedersdorf, the “enemies and mistakes made in the first week will dog a President throughout his term in office.” Stuart Eizenstat adds, “I don't think Carter's image ever recovered from some of those early mistakes.”This essay examines George Bush's relations with Congress early in his term. First I focus on the context in which the new president is operating to explore the opportunities and constraints present in his environment. Then I assess the primary components of his legislative strategy.When George Bush took the oath of office on January 20, 1989, he was already fighting an uphill battle in his relations with Congress. He began his tenure with one of the worst strategic positions of any newly-elected president in our history. There are two dimensions of his strategic position that bear examination: his leadership resources and his leeway in taking policy initiatives.New presidents traditionally claim a mandate from the people, because the most effective means of setting the terms of debate and overcoming opposition is the perception of an electoral mandate, an impression that the voters want to see the winner's programs implemented. Indeed, major changes in policy, as in 1933, 1965, and 1981, virtually never occur in the absence of such perceptions.

Author(s):  
Ade Mai Charly ◽  
Kurnia Warman ◽  
Zefrizal Nurdin

The agreement for profit sharing carried out in Nagari Sungai Durian, Padang Pariaman district is to implement a profit sharing agreement in verbal form based on agreement between landowners and cultivators, and trust between landowners and cultivators. based on Production Sharing Agreements rules in Indonesia, form of agreement for profit sharing must be in written form. the form of the agreement made in Nagari Sungai Durian Padang Pariaman Regency is in the form of oral because the production sharing agreement made verbally has been done hereditary and has become a habit by the people in Nagari. The right of the landowner is to accept the distribution of land yields in accordance with the agreement of the parties, while the obligation of the landowner is to surrender the land to the cultivator, and the right of the cultivator is to accept the distribution of land according to the agreement. the land he cultivated well for the landowner. Production sharing agreements made orally in Nagari Sungai, Padang Pariaman Regency are invalid because the agreement does not meet the nature of customary law, which is concrete and does not fulfill Law Number 2 of 1960 concerning production sharing agreements contained in article 3 paragraph (1) which states , the profit sharing agreement must be in written form and there must be two witnesses between the two parties


2019 ◽  
pp. 270-295
Author(s):  
Aileen McHarg

Scotland’s devolved Parliament and Government were established in 1999 under the Scotland Act 1998. The current devolved arrangements build upon earlier institutional arrangements for the distinctive governance of Scotland, elements of which date back to the Union of 1707. By creating both a distinct legislature and separate institutions of political representation for Scotland, the 1999 reforms were nevertheless of profound constitutional significance. This chapter traces the development of devolved government in Scotland, arguing that the history of Scottish devolution is best understood as a response to nationalist sentiment: the assertion of the right of the people of Scotland to self-governance and self-determination. The historical trajectory has been one of increasing autonomy and constitutional recognition, and this pattern has continued since 1999 (culminating in an—unsuccessful—referendum in 2014 on the question whether Scotland should become wholly independent of the United Kingdom). However, despite the extensive powers enjoyed by, and the political importance of, the Scottish Parliament and Government, the status of devolution within the United Kingdom constitution is ambiguous and contested. The chapter also explores the constitutional status of devolution across two dimensions: the juridical—i.e. how the powers of the Scottish Parliament and Government are understood and interpreted by the courts; and the political—how the devolved Scottish institutions relate to their counterparts at UK level. The chapter ends by exploring how the tensions between Scotland’s powerful political claims for constitutional recognition, yet weak legal protection, have played out in relation to Brexit, and may play out in future in a Scottish political context still dominated by the independence question.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 140-149
Author(s):  
Gurjeet Kaur ◽  
Ashutosh Mishra

The COVID-19 pandemic is today's biggest public health crisis and the world's largest threat to humanity since the Second World War. COVID-19 has triggered a profound economic crisis, as well as an unprecedented human toll . India is trying to minimise the pandemic‟s impact and for this Centre and State governments are working hard to sensitise people to keep all the precautions suggested by international and national experts to stop it‟s spread. The motive of this study is to know whether Prime Minister Narendra Modi is managed to send the right message at the right time. What are the messages and how many times during the lockdown or post lockdown, he addressed the country to instil trust in the people. This research work also focused on to discuss how frequently he has briefed about the measures being taken to curb COVID-19 and to bring the situation under control. In order to study speeches PM Modi delivered during the lockdown, this work aims at conducting the content analysis of Mann ki Baat episodes (March-June 2020) based on the COVID-19 information and all those appeals to the nation that PM made in the 4 months ( March –June 2020) have been used as a sample for the study. This paper outlines the scope of understanding how PM has inculcated the habit among people about taking precautions to prevent themselves from COVID-19.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Asep Saepuloh ◽  
Rosihon Anwar ◽  
Dadan Rusmana

This research is entitled Islamic Ethics in the Petikan Qur'an Katut Adab Padikana by H. Hasan Mustapa, a Sundanese manuscript made in 1920 AD. Good relationship between being and God as well as among fellow beings themselves. The purpose of this research is to reveal the verses that show a good relationship between a being and God as well as between the creatures themselves, and to reveal the metaphoric verses in the manuscript. This research method uses the qualitative methods, which seeks to collect data, process and analyze it qualitatively. While the approach used is the Maudu'i interpretation and semiotic theory. Petikan Qur’an Katut Adab Padikana were printed by the Mendakna Committee in 1937 AD after Hasan Mustapa asked for three years before he died to be copied. There are 115 articles consisting of 57 Surah of 356 paragraphs. Starting from the Surah al-Baqarah, to Al-Nass, the explanation uses the van Ophuysena spelling (1907-1947) and the writing process starts from the left corner, namely the verses of the Qur'an then the right corner of the writing of the verses of the al-Qur'an is in the language Latin, and after that the content of the meaning of the verse is explained by using the Sundanese language so that it is easily understood by the people of the Sundanese area.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Zanotti ◽  
Carlos Meléndez

This chapter deals with how populist parties reacted and engaged with the pandemic in Italy, one of the European countries most affected by the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus. The main argument of this chapter is that populist actors are successful in profiting from a crisis when they can credibly frame it as a failure of representation. The case of Italy, which has been defined as a “country of many populisms” (Tarchi 2008), is particularly insightful. Since the outset of the pandemic at the end of February of 2020, there were two populist parties in the system , both on the right of the political spectrum: the League (former Northern League) and Brothers of Italy. After a first period known as “rally around the flag” the two parties' strategy was somehow similar until they started to diverge substantially in February 2021. In general terms, we can say that—until the breakdown of the second Conte government—the League discursively attacked the government on managing the pandemic, focusing mainly on two issues: migration and the economy. When the League entered the government, supporting Mario Draghi’s cabinet, its discourse changed even if its loyalty to the government has been flaky, at least. This strategy of keeping one foot in and one out of government (see Albertazzi and McDonnell 2005) has always been a trademark characteristic of the (Northern) League since the 1990s. Conversely, Brothers of Italy, while sharing with the League the critique to the government supported by the Democratic Party and the Five Star Movement during the first year, has later changed its strategy becoming the only relevant party in opposition to Mario Draghi’s government. This allowed FdI to systematically challenge the government's actions and depict itself as the only party to act in the interest of the people, opposing to the elite. Even if the pandemic is still unfolding, vote intention shows that Brothers of Italy has become the first Italian party, demonstrating to have taken advantage of the crisis, through a framing that was more functional with its populist appeal and in turn resulted more credible to voters.


ILUMINURAS ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (33) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anelise Dos Santos Gutterres

 O mês de junho de 2013 ficou conhecido pela quantidade de protestos e manifestações políticas, que levaram milhões de pessoas às ruas. No interior desse atos as reivindicações se desdobraram das iniciais – que questionavam as remoções para as obras da Copa e eram contra o aumento da passagem - e se tornaram igualmente numerosas. A repressão policial às manifestações foi violenta e o fim da polícia militar se tornou uma reivindicação no processo de construção dos atos nas ruas. Esse relato descreve os protestos e manifestações no Brasil a partir de minha experiência enquanto manifestante nas ruas do Rio de Janeiro. O que descreverei aqui está entre as duas dimensões, por vezes antagônicas, que a etnografia acaba nos impondo: a neutralidade e o "afetamento". Palavras-chave: Protestos. Rio de Janeiro. Favela. Repressão policial. Etnografia“It's not easy, I ask for public mobility and government sends Skull[1] against me” – a close up narrative of the political protests between 2013 june and july in Rio de Janeiro. Abstract June 2013 became famous for the amount of protests and political events that led millions of people to the streets. Within this demonstrations, the initial claims unfolded, questioning removal for the works made in the cities for the World Cup and standing against the fare increase for public transportation, and became numerous. The repression exerted by the police against demonstrations and the dissolution of Military Police became one of the claims demanded on the streets. This report is a description of what happened between the two dimensions, sometimes antagonistic, that ethnography imposes: neutrality and “being affected”.   Key-words: Protests. Rio de Janeiro. Slum. Repression police. Ethnography. [1] Skull is the nickname for the Bushwacker the Special Operations Corps of Rio de Janeiro's Police, and this verse was one of the many slogans sang by the people)


This research article focuses on the theme of violence and its representation by the characters of the novel “This Savage Song” by Victoria Schwab. How violence is transmitted through genes to next generations and to what extent socio- psycho factors are involved in it, has also been discussed. Similarly, in what manner violent events and deeds by the parents affect the psychology of children and how it inculcates aggressive behaviour in their minds has been studied. What role is played by the parents in grooming the personality of children and ultimately their decisions to choose the right or wrong way has been argued. In the light of the theory of Judith Harris, this research paper highlights all the phenomena involved: How the social hierarchy controls the behaviour. In addition, the aggressive approach of the people in their lives has been analyzed in the light of the study of second theorist Thomas W Blume. As the novel is a unique representation of supernatural characters, the monsters, which are the products of some cruel deeds, this research paper brings out different dimensions of human sufferings with respect to these supernatural beings. Moreover, the researcher also discusses that, in what manner the curse of violence creates an inevitable vicious cycle of cruel monsters that makes the life of the characters turbulent and miserable.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 656-676
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-132
Author(s):  
Betha Rahmasari

This article aims to find out the developmentidea or paradigm through village financial management based on Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. In this study, the researcher used a normative research methodby examining the village regulations in depth. Primary legal materials are authoritatuve legal materials in the form of laws and regulations. Village dependence is the most obvious violence against village income or financial sources. Various financial assistance from the government has made the village dependent on financial sources from the government. The use of regional development funds is intended to support activities in the management of Regional Development organizations. Therefore, development funds should be managed properly and smoothly, as well as can be used effectively to increase the people economy in the regions. This research shows that the law was made to regulate and support the development of local economic potential as well as the sustainable use of natural resources and the environment, and that the village community has the right to obtain information and monitor the planning and implementation of village development.


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