The Shifting Politics of Public Services: Discourses, Arguments, and Institutional Change in Sweden, c. 1620–2000

2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 463-486
Author(s):  
MAGNUS LINNARSSON ◽  
MATS HALLENBERG

AbstractThis article analyses the inherent conflict between public and private interest from a long time-perspective, using the example of Sweden from 1620 to 2000. The main argument is that there have been two equally decisive historical shifts in the political discourse on how to organize public services in the past: First, a shift from an early modern patriarchal discourse to a more expansive articulation of publicness during the nineteenth century. Second, a shift toward privatization and deregulation in the late twentieth century. Both these shifts must be considered to fully explain the changing forms of public organization up to the present day. Theoretically, the concept of “publicness” is used to explain the political discourses on the organization of public services. Drawing on three discursive chains, the argument is that the political development was affected by the politicians’ conception of the political community, the form of organization, and by perceptions of values such as equal access and modernity. Our results demonstrate how and why political arguments for or against private service providers have motivated profound changes in the way public services are perceived of and organized.

2020 ◽  

This collective monograph is a comprehensive study of the causes, evolution and outcomes of complex processes in the contemporary history of the countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe, and aims in particular to identify common and special characteristics in their socio-economic and political development. The authors base their work on documentary evidence; both published and unpublished archival materials reveal the specifics of the development of the political landscapes in these countries. They highlight models combining both European and nationally oriented (and even nationalist) components of the political spheres of particular countries; identify markers which allow the stage of completion (or incompletion) of the establishment of a new political system to be estimated; and present analyses of the processes of internal political struggle, which has often taken on ruthless forms. The analysis of regional and country-specific documentary materials illustrates that the gap in the development of the region with “old Europe” in general has not yet been overcome: in the post-Socialist period, the situation of the region being “ownerless” and “abandoned”, characteristic of the period between the two world wars, is reoccurring. The authors conclude that during the period from the late twentieth to the early twenty-first centuries, the region was quite clearly divided into two parts: Central (the Visegrad Four) and South-Eastern (the Balkans) Europe. The authors explore the prevailing trends in the political development of Hungary and Poland related to the leadership of nationally and religiously oriented parties; in the Czech Republic and Slovakia the pendulum-like change in power of the left and right-wing parties; and in Bulgaria and Romania the domestic political processes permanently in crisis. The authors pay special attention to the contradictory nature of the political evolution of the states that emerged in the space of the former Yugoslavia. For the first time, Greece and Turkey are included in the context of a regional-wide study. The contributors present optimal or resembling transformational models, which can serve as a prototype for shaping the political landscape of other countries in the world. The monograph substantiates the urgency of the new approach needed to study the history and current state of the region and its countries, taking into account the challenges of the time, which require strengthening national and state identity. The research also offered prognostic characteristics of transformational changes in the region, the Visegrad Four, and the Balkans.


Author(s):  
Germà Bel ◽  
Marc Esteve

One of the main governance decisions that policymakers need to make is whether to implement public services via centralized or decentralized forms. As Costa et al. discuss in their article, when public services are implemented via competing systems, service providers contend to provide good services with the ultimate objective of gaining market quota. This is known as managed competition (MC), as the authorities will have to manage the panoply of public and private organizations offering the service. The alternative is to manage the service more centrally, in what it is identified as vertical integration. As the authors describe, several governments around the globe have abandoned their vertical integrated models in favour of decentralized models. This is the case, as the authors recall, for most health services in Europe. While there is an emerging body of evidence suggesting that decentralized MC outperforms vertically integrated models both in terms of efficiency and in terms of service quality, little is known on how these systems react under different circumstances. This means, for example, how these systems can cope with a sudden increase in their service demands.


1998 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raia Prokhovnik

Conceptions of citizenship which rest on an abstract and universal notion of the individual founder on their inability to recognize the political relevance of gender. Such conceptions, because their ‘gender-neutrality’ has the effect of excluding women, are not helpful to the project of promoting the full citizenship of women. The question of citizenship is often reduced to either political citizenship, in terms of an instrumental notion of political participation, or social citizenship, in terms of an instrumental notion of economic (in)dependence. The paper argues for the recognition of citizenship as gendered, and as an ethical, that is non-instrumental, social status which is distinct from both political participation and economic (in)dependence. What unites us as citizens, in our equal membership of the political community, need not rely on a conception of us as ‘neutral’ (abstract, universalized, genderless) individuals undertaking one specific activity located in the public realm, but can take account of the diverse ways in which we engage in ethically-grounded activities on the basis of our different genders, ethnic and cultural backgrounds and other differences, in both the public and private realms. A convincing feminist conception of citizenship necessarily involves a radical redefinition of the public/private distinction to accommodate the recognition of citizenship practices in the private realm. The paper builds on the observation that the concept of ‘citizenship’ is broader than the concept of ‘the political’ (or ‘the social/economic’), and contends that feminism provides us with the emancipatory potential of gendered subjectivity, which applies to both men and women. The recognition of gendered subjectivity opens the way to the recognition of the diversity of citizenship practices. It is not that women need to be liberated from the private realm, in order to take part in the public realm as equal citizens, but that women – and men – already undertake responsibilities of citizenship in both the public and the private realms.


1990 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 524-552
Author(s):  
Fred Dallmayr

Recent literature on Heidegger concentrates heavily on his (temporary) involvement in or collusion with Nazi ideology and policies. Without belittling the gravity of the issue, this article shifts the focus somewhat by invoking a distinction which recently has emerged (or reemerged) in political thought: namely, the distinction between “politics” and “the political” or between politics viewed as partisan ideology or policy making, on the one hand, and politics seen as regime or paradigmatic framework, on the other. The main thesis of the article is that Heidegger's promising contributions to political theory are located on the level of ontology or paradigmatic framework rather than that of ideological partisanship. While not neglecting the dismal intrusions of the latter plane, the article probes Heideggerian cues for a “rethinking of the political” by placing the accent on four topical areas: first, the status of the subject or individual as political agent; second, the character of the political community, that is, of the polity or (in modern terms) the “state”; thirdly, the issue of cultural and political development or modernization; and finally, the problem of an emerging cosmopolis or world order beyond the confines of Western culture. In discussing these topics, an effort is made to disentangle Heidegger from possible misinterpretations and to indicate how, in each area, his thought pointed in the direction of an “overcoming” of Western political metaphysics.


10.23856/2910 ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-76
Author(s):  
Vitaly Vedeneyev ◽  
Olha Orlova

In the article examined, that there is a process of political reality constructing by means of the use the various manipulation technologies that allow popularizing "necessary" to the politicians’ ideas that afterwards grow into soil of the counted scenario the political development events. Attention applies on the phenomenon of mythological political life, considered through the prism of social life symbolizing psychological process, illustrates effectiveness of external influence mechanisms on mass consciousness at man. It is underlined that mechanisms of external influence on mass consciousness at man is unchanging sufficiently long time and exist almost so much how many exist human civilization. The role of mass-media is shown as to the instrument of virtualization of the real political space and means of this virtual reality constructing.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marit Viggen

This study compares the political discourses of Silvio Berlusconi and Jens Stoltenberg. These two politicians represent different political ideologies and belong to two different countries—and, hence, to different cultures. However, both of them were in power for a long time and almost in the same historical period. What kinds of differences and similarities can be found in the language used in their discourses when talking to people? Three discourses produced by each politician under similar circumstances are analyzed. This paper focuses on the lexical items used in the discourses, describing them from a quantitative (frequency) and qualitative point of view. The differences in the use of metaphors is explained by affiliation to two different cultures, whereas the lexical choice is often based on linguistic and individual properties.


2019 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-30
Author(s):  
O. S. Bakumov

Special attention has been paid to the fact that the doctrine of legal liability of the state to a person is increasingly affirmed in Ukraine as a theoretical basis for the functioning of state power in general and all its agencies in particular. However, despite the large number of scientific developments, the national legal science still can not boast of an unambiguous and generally recognized understanding of the essence of the phenomenon of legal liability of the state. It has been stressed that legal liability was interpreted for a long time as a kind of “continuation” of the state itself: in the context of the concept of state coercion means it was solely perceived as an instrument of state power for punishing offenders. However, such a concept denied the question about legal liability of the state itself as an equal personality of the subject of law. It has been stated that the phenomenon of legal liability of the state one can consider a certain continuation of the political and legal strategy on self-limitation of the state by law. Such liability is naturally considered a characteristic feature of the legal type of statehood, and it directly concerns only the democratic type of states. Instead, undemocratic states do not bear or acknowledge (or only declare) any real legal liability to society. Therefore, in terms of a democracy, the state is a real subject of liability to society, which is guaranteed on the normative and institutional levels. The current stage of development of the institution of legal liability of the state is characterized by the highest normative level of its institutionalization – constitutional one. This level ensures: 1) the irreversibility of the state’s course on the establishment of legal statehood; 2) fixing the starting, the main elements of the normative model of legal liability of the state; 3) completion of the registration of legal personality of the state in the modern world, which was incomplete without constitutional establishment of its legal liability; 4) the parity nature of the relations of the state with other subjects of law on the basis of a combination of dispositive and imperative, public and private components. The constitutional model of the state’s legal liability to a human being is based on the same principles in Ukraine. Such liability, in particular, is not limited to the political or moral liability of public authorities to society, but has the features of legal liability as applying measures of public and legal (constitutional or international) nature to the state and its agencies for the failure or improper performance of the duties.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (02) ◽  
pp. 470-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert C. Lieberman ◽  
Suzanne Mettler ◽  
Thomas B. Pepinsky ◽  
Kenneth M. Roberts ◽  
Richard Valelly

To many observers across the political spectrum, American democracy appears under threat. What does the Trump presidency portend for American politics? How much confidence should we have in the capacity of American institutions to withstand this threat? We argue that understanding what is uniquely threatening to democracy requires looking beyond the particulars of Trump and his presidency. Instead, it demands a historical and comparative perspective on American politics. Drawing on insights from the fields of comparative politics and American political development, we argue that Trump’s election represents the intersection of three streams in American politics: polarized two-party presidentialism; a polity fundamentally divided over membership and status in the political community, in ways structured by race and economic inequality; and the erosion of democratic norms. The current political circumstance threatens the American democratic order because of the interactive effects of institutions, identity, and norm-breaking.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Keshav Bashyal

Dominance of research on Nepalis migration to India is considers as ‘for livelihood’, ‘passage of rites’, ‘taken for granted’, more importantly ’tradition’ or ‘Kamaune’ for majority of Nepalis. Nepal is an oldest nation-state of South Asia and its democracy had been, for a number of times, suspended or dismissed which forced Nepali leaders to exile in India. It still continues in different ways. Nepal’s political development is directly or indirectly influenced by political activism in India. India has been important ‘space’ for Nepal’s political change and it also has been a place for migrant’s political activism since a long time. Out of several Nepali migrants’ organizations in India, some are active in transnational political mobilizations. This study will look into the concept, evolution and contemporary discourse of the political transnationalism. It examines in the framework of transnationalism; development process of major political parties in Nepal, and situation of Nepali migrant’s political activisms in India and their associations with homeland politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-129
Author(s):  
Adriana Grigorescu ◽  
Cristina Lincaru ◽  
Speranta Pîrciog ◽  
Razvan-Ion Chiţescu

Abstract The last years were of profound transformation in public services that knows more or less the challenge from the private sector. A second dimension of competitiveness for the public services staring from 2007 was the free access of the citizens to at least education and health services in European Union. The paper aims to show the evolution of the cohabitation of the public and private sectors on the services of public interest, their development and evolution in different regions. Identifying and highlighting the key issues in competitiveness and quality of the services provided, will give us the main lines for the further development and public policies that should be considered. Considering the cohesion policy of European Union, an analysis of the public and private sectors in public services in Romanian counties could drive us to a conclusion about the affordability and the quality of the services. Using the statistics it can be show the regional distribution of the service providers especially for education, health, water supply and other services. The integrated analysis we offer a global picture of the regional potential and development. Based on the findings the public decision makers could better set up the sectorial public policies and the public spending. Never the less, the European support could be also directed to increase the quality and efficiency of the public services.


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