L'idée de la sagesse et sa fonction dans la philosophie des 4e et 5e siècles

1991 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Jolivet

Starting from the Greek definition of philosophy as the love of wisdom, and from the semantic richness of the Arabic wordḥikma, several fourth- and fifth-century writers tried to establish the position of philosophy in the Islamic cultural system by identifying it with wisdom. For them this wisdom is tantamount to the ‘eternal wisdom’ recorded in the ancient books and taught by the prophets. Philosophers are described as the prophets' disciples or witnesses. However, depicting philosophy as eternal wisdom only gives the discipline an illusory advantage. Ultimately it reduces it to pure repetition and therefore precludes any change.

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 306-323
Author(s):  
Salvatore Tufano

Abstract The present paper suggests that the recurring appeal to kinship diplomacy undermines a fixed idea of ‘nation’ in Archaic Greece, especially in the first two decades of the fifth century BC. It aims to present a series of test cases in Herodotus that explain why contemporary patterns and theories on ancient ethnicity can hardly explain the totality of the historical spectrum. Blood ties could sometimes fortify ethnic relationships, as in the case of Aristagoras’ mission to Sparta (Hdt. 5.49.3), since the common Greekness could elicit the Spartan to help to the Ionians. In other times, the same blood ties were applied to divine genealogies, and they could also be used to show the feeble devotion of cities like Argos to the Greek cause (7.150.2: Xerxes expects the Argives to join the Persian cause, since they descend from Perses). Habits and traditions, often taken as indicia of national feeling, could be thought of as clues of ancient migrations (so the Trojans became Maxyes in Lybia: 4.191). Even language might not help in justifying ethnic relationships: for instance, the Greeks living in the Scythian Gelonus spoke a mixed language (4.108). These few case studies may shed a different light on the classical definition of Greekness (to hellenikon) in terms of blood, language, cults, and habits, all given by Herodotus (8.144). Far from being a valid label for all the Greeks of the fifth century, this statement owes much to a specific variety of the language of kinship diplomacy. The final section argues for the opportunity to avoid the later and misleading idea of nation when studying Herodotus and the age of the Persian Wars, which are instead characterized by various and contrasting strategies. Greek groups and ethne can be better described as networks of lightly defined communities.


Author(s):  
Christine Shepardson

Melania the Younger died more than a decade before the Council of Chalcedon (451 CE) and the ensuing bitter conflicts between Chalcedonian and miaphysite Christians. Nevertheless, the Greek Vita by Gerontius portrays her as actively involved in numerous religious and political controversies surrounding bishop Nestorius preceding her death. This chapter argues that the historicity of her alleged anti-Nestorian activities in the Vita must remain in doubt. The anti-Nestorian Melania of the Greek Vita appears to support Gerontius’s miaphysite condemnation of the politically dominant Chalcedonian Christians, providing him with a useful weapon in the pressing Christological battles he faced following her death. While the anti-Nestorian stance Gerontius attributed to Melania remained orthodox in Greek Christianity, his anti-Chalcedonian views, which he considered the natural extension of Melania’s, did not. Gerontius’s Vita Melania thus serves as a microcosm of the complex and highly politicized fifth-century disputes over the definition of Christian orthodoxy.


Ramus ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mario Telò

Recent studies have analysed the essential role of interpoetic rivalry in Aristophanes' comic imagination. Zachary Biles has shown that ‘festival agonistics provide an underlying logic for the overall thematic design of individual plays’ and that ‘the plays can be treated as creative responses to the competitions.’ Aristophanes' dramatisation of comic competition has been viewed as a reflection of the struggles of political factions in late-fifth-century Athens or as an expression of a ‘rhetoric of self-promotion’ that builds the comic plot through the mutual borrowing of comic material (jokes, running gags). This paper suggests thatKnightspresents interpoetic rivalry as a conflict of embodied aesthetic modes. In this play, Aristophanes' tendentious definition of his comic self against his predecessor Cratinus results in opposed ways of conceptualising the sonic quality of dramatic performance and its material effects on the audience. The nexus of voice and temporality, which, as I argue, shapes the play's agonistic plot, equates the intergenerational duelling of Aristophanes' and Cratinus' political counterparts (the Sausage Seller and the older Paphlagon, respectively) to a contrast of somatic experiences grounded in sound.


Panoptikum ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 43-55
Author(s):  
Martina Olivero

Tragedies were performed for the first time in ancient Greece between the sixth and fifth century BC. A century later, Aristotle in the Poetics gave his famous definition of tragedy, transforming it into a narrative genre. Our aim is primarily to introduce and analyse some characteristics of the tragic scheme. Three main elements will be taken into consideration. We will see that at the very heart of the tragic narration there is “something” unrepresentable, unbearable and nameless that Lacan, in the VII seminar on ethics, names Das Ding or La Chose, The Thing. After that, we will consider the representation of an ethical power which disputes the traditional and institutionalised order. Thirdly, the presence of sacred forces will be evoked to contextualise the ancien and contemporary tragic narrations in a mythical, pre-logical, pre-textual framework. However, in order to identify any forms of tragic narratives in the contemporary era, a consideration of the medium itself cannot be avoided, as tragedies were shown and affected large crowds of people and had a substantial political role. Cinema is thus revealed to be the most privileged media device to present modern tragic narrations and their typical aesthetic solutions. In this article, we will discuss three examples of tragic narratives in mainstream American cinema from the last three decades. Works by Sean Penn (The Pledge, 2001), James Grey (Little Odessa, 1995) and Clint Eastwood (Midnight in the garden of good and evil, 1997) will be investigated.


Author(s):  
Mirra Vitalyevna Bogdanova

Abstract: The subject of research in this paper is a range of cross-disciplinary problems related to the concept of "cultural system". Examination is conducted on the existing culturological approaches towards the definition of cultural systems; the question is raised on the appropriateness of using this concept in analyzing the spheres of human activity that are not traditionally associated with the concept of “culture”. The author dwells on the mathematics, medicine and religion, proving the effectiveness of culturological research of these spheres of life as the cultural systems. The theoretical and methodological framework is based on the concept of systematicity of culture. This article employs the analytical, comparative, and semiotic methods. The following conclusions are made: 1) any cultural system, besides its specific components, includes the general cultural components that typical to all cultural systems that are part of the single complex  of “culture” and are not specific to its separate cultural systems; 2) the number of cultural systems determined within the culture largely depends on the research perspective, and is virtually limitless. The author’s special contribution, which also determines the scientific novelty of this article, lies in the proposed model of interaction of various cultural systems within a single culture.


1997 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 298-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Rankin

The Christological doctrine of the “communicatio idiomatum” requires that whatever is predicated of one nature of Christ — human or divine — may be predicated of either. It was a major feature of the thought of Cyril of Alexandria and the Alexandrian school generally but denied by most of the Antiochene school. It was accepted in a restricted sense by Leo of Rome but largely ignored in the documents of the mid-fifth century Council of Chalcedon. It appears nowhere in that council's Definition of Faith. This paper suggests that an early form of the doctrine is evident in the works of Tertullian of Carthage, writing in the early years of the third century. Whether Tertullian understood the full, logical implications of what he wrote in relation to the “communicatio”, however, cannot be said with any certainty.


1974 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-264
Author(s):  
R. C. Zaehner

‘Mysticism means to isolate the eternal from the originated.’ This is not my definition of the word ‘mysticism’ but that of the founder of the ‘orthodox’ school of Muslim mysticism, Al-Junayd of Baghdad who flourished in the ninth century a.d. In actual fact it is not a definition of mysticism at all but of the Arabic word tawḥīd which means primarily ‘the affirmation of unity’; and that surely is an essential ingredient of any form of mysticism: it is the affirmation through personal experience of unity either absolutely or in some qualified sense.


Augustinianum ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 461-478
Author(s):  
Sydney Sadowski ◽  

Today’s scholarship has paid little attention to the work of St. Augustine titled De Haeresibus ad Quodvultdeum. The following article will discuss the work itself in a couple of ways, first, by deciphering the sources used by Augustine and his definition of heresy; secondly, by categorizing the heresies in a way that is both understandable to the modern mind and consistent with current Catholic terminology, so that the language of the current century can be employed to describe and categorize heresies from the fifth century.


2013 ◽  
Vol 103 ◽  
pp. 208-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michele Renee Salzman

AbstractThis paper examines theSermonsof Leo the Great (a.d.440–461) for their liturgical topography. Leo developed an annual cycle of set places on set days — the very definition of stational liturgy — in Rome as one means to assert papal authority over the city's Christian communities and especially over the resident Roman senatorial aristocracy. Leo'sSermonsindicate that the bishop found new ways to centralize the liturgy at St Peter's in the Vatican, making St Peter's — not St John the Lateran — the religious centre and the symbol of the papacy.


1923 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-265
Author(s):  
M. Bowyer Stewart

“‘The fashion nowadays is to speak of the God in the heart and the God in the Universe.’ ‘Is it the same God?’ ‘Leave it at that,’ said Peter. ‘We don't know. All the waste and muddle in religion is due to people arguing and asserting that they are the same, that they are different but related, or that they are different but opposed. And so on and so on.’ & But the name of God was to Oswald a name battered out of all value and meaning.” So Mr. H. G. Wells, in “Joan and Peter,” muses over the present floating theology, where everybody talks about God, and nobody knows what anybody else is talking about. Mr. Wells himself has done his share of the battering, too. If scrupulous scholars of today have difficulty in determining the meaning of ‘Messiah’ and ‘Lord’ in the beginnings of Christianity, what will the twenty-fifth-century scholars think of the term ‘God’ as used in the twentieth? It is curious, though, that along with this confusion of meaning — in fact the thing which itself adds most to the confusion — is an assumption that ‘God’ is “a distinct and familiar kind of entity, like a dragon or centaur; its existence alone being problematical” (Perry, “Approach to Philosophy,” pp. 108 f.). As a matter of fact, what is now problematical, every time we read the word ‘God,’ is what that word means to the man who has written it. Of course it is a large concept, vague around the edges, and variable with varying moods; but what is central and constant in it? Supposing one says that God suffers, or that God cannot suffer, one needs to have some fairly clear idea what it primarily is that suffers or cannot suffer. We can argue indefinitely and disagree eternally about what qualities God has, unless at least we can agree on a primary definition of the subject — what we mean by God in the first place. Several such primary definitions are now current: it is our purpose here to suggest that Christian theology at any rate, and probably most of our theism, tends to a use of one of these, and that it would be well to use it more clearly, consciously, and consistently in the future.


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