Citizenship and Gender Equality in the Second Spanish Republic: Representations and Practices in Socialist Culture (1931–1936)

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-113
Author(s):  
ANA AGUADO
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Complex Mixture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Collective Actions ◽  
Gender Identities ◽  
Class Culture ◽  
Second Spanish Republic ◽  
And Gender

AbstractThis article contributes to historiographical debates on political cultures, the construction of female citizenship and democracy development through an analysis of the construction of gender identities in socialist culture and working-class culture in Spain. From 1931, in the context of the Second Spanish Republic, socialist culture experienced a complex mixture of egalitarian proposals, collective actions and strategies to achieve the political mobilisation of women. This process reformulated in female terms many of the concepts historically present in this political culture: equality, freedom, secularism and citizenship.

Cuban Revolutionary Politics in Diaspora

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dalia Antonia Muller
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
National Association ◽  
The Political ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
Revolutionary Politics ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
And Gender

This chapter tells the story of two key and connected institutions of the Cuban Independence movement outside of Cuba: the Cuban Revolutionary Party (PRC) and the National Association of Cuban Revolutionary Émigrés (ANERC). These institutions and their records have much to teach us about the political culture of Cubans in exile during the second half of the nineteenth century. More specifically, the chapter explores the tension between inclusion and exclusion that marked both institutions during the 1890s and the first few decades of the twentieth century, with a special emphasis on race, class and gender.

The Deferential Dialectic

1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Newby
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Study ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Social Stratification ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
British Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Class Structure ◽  
Sociological Research ◽  
Widespread Belief

For more than a decade, the most decisive influence on the empirical study of the British class structure has been the three consecutive electoral victories of the Conservative Party during the 1950s. The widespread belief that these events reflected some underlying change in the stratification of British society stimulated a new examination of the political attitudes and behaviour of the working class. In sociology this led to the exploration of the ‘embourgeoisement’ thesis culminating in the ‘affluent worker’ study by Goldthorpe and his colleagues and it is, perhaps, a comment on the state of sociological research into the British class structure that this study, together with its associated papers, remains the centre around which much of the debate on social stratification in contemporary Britain continues to revolve. In political science, however, the investigation took a different track. Instead of seeking an explanation of the Conservative electoral successes in terms of the working class becoming more middle class, political scientists sought an explanation in terms of increased working-class ‘deference’. Bagehot was enthusiastically resurrected (a new edition of The English Constitution appeared in 1963), and a spate of studies attempted to assess the ‘deferential’ component of English political culture.

Billy Elliot and Its Lineage

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Gordon
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Orientation ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Class Culture ◽  
Political Performance ◽  
Politics And Culture ◽  
Music Hall ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Relationship

In the years since 1954, the British musical has in various ways represented the changes that have occurred in social and political attitudes. The camp style of Salad Days and The Boy Friend encodes its critique of the Conservative government’s repressive policies of heteronormative conformity in the early 1950s by exploiting popular traditions of pantomime and music hall performance to valorize an emergent gay sensibility, while the theatre of Joan Littlewood at Stratford East utilized these same popular forms in the construction of a socialist theatre capable of articulating a working-class culture. These two recurrent conceptions of alternative political performance—the subversive queer/camp strategy and the Marxian aesthetic of alternative politics and culture—interact and are combined to startling effect in Billy Elliot, whose dialectical arguments around the relationship between class and gender/sexual orientation, popular and ‘high’ art provide a prime example of British theatre at its most socially aware.

Civil society, class and locality

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Shapely
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Voluntary Sector ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voluntary Organization ◽  
Class Culture ◽  
Provision Of Services ◽  
The Face ◽  
Political Spectrum

This chapter returns working-class agency to the analysis of voluntarism. As it demonstrates with reference to tenants' associations, the voluntary sector was shaped as much by working-class as middle-class culture, even at the height of the welfare state, with the provision of services generating engagement rather than apathy. Tenants' associations provided a vehicle for the assertion of working-class interests in the face of an often unresponsive bureaucracy. In doing so they ‘helped to create a new decision-making arena, making a contribution to expanded notions of democracy’. That they managed to do so while engaging tenants from across the political spectrum demonstrates ‘the essential flexibility and robustness of the voluntary organization as a form which continued to provide an effective platform for the development of civil society’.

Radicalism and Respectability in Working-class Political Culture

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Petrie
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Criminal Trials ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Exclusion ◽  
Religion And Gender ◽  
Mass Democracy ◽  
And Gender

Class, for some on the radical left, and especially those in the Communist Party, was not just an economic identity. It was also one earned through conduct, particularly a commitment to political activism, sobriety and self-improvement. This was, of course, a culture that had always enjoyed a limited appeal; during the inter-war period, however, this appeal was restricted further by the rise of mass democracy, which undermined the necessary sense of political exclusion. This chapter charts the social and cultural limits of Communism in Scotland, exploring the Party’s appeal by focusing on the criminal trials of activists charged with sedition, the role played by religion and gender within the Party, and the changing nature of independent working-class education, especially within the labour college movement, during the 1920s and 1930s.

Attitudes toward Cohabitation, Family, and Gender Roles: Relationships to Values and Political Ideology

1997 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane N. Lye ◽  
Ingrid Waldron
Keyword(s):  
Gender Roles ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Higher Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Weak Support ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Concerns ◽  
And Gender

This study investigates four hypotheses concerning relationships between values or beliefs and attitudes toward cohabitation, family and gender roles. These are the Social Concerns Hypothesis, the Political Ideology Hypothesis, the Higher Order Needs Hypothesis, and the Consumerism Hypothesis. Each hypothesis has been tested, using data from several nationally representative subsamples of white high school seniors. As predicted by the Social Concerns Hypothesis, students with more social concerns had more favorable attitudes toward gender equality and nontraditional gender roles, particularly among males. This finding suggests that, for males, concern for fairness and the well-being of others may be an important motive for support for gender equality and acceptance of nontraditional gender roles. As predicted by the Political Ideology Hypothesis, conservative political beliefs were associated with traditional attitudes toward cohabitation, family, and gender roles. In contrast, our findings provide only weak support for the Higher Order Needs Hypothesis, and our findings suggest that the Consumerism Hypothesis should be reformulated.

scholarly journals Legal Politic of Gender Responsive Election System (A Concept)

2018 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 02010
Author(s):  
Ristina Yudhanti ◽  
Adi Sulistiyono ◽  
Isharyanto
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The State ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Future ◽  
Election System ◽  
Gender Based ◽  
And Gender

The discourse of obligation that female has representatives in politics continuously occurred by the agreement of equal position between male and female. This discourse must be implemented by the state to achieve national purpose as decided by substance and the various instrument by the constitution. By fair and gender equality, so the state is obligated to give protection for implementing gender equality including particular actions involving access, participation, control in development process and equal as well as fair benefit between female and male to gender-based approach. The legal political policy of general election in the future is to fulfill Affirmative Action policy by 30% quota for woman in the general election system in Indonesia. It has to prioritize several factors which are the change of general election system, the political party, and the political culture approach in Indonesia. It is needed the Political will of a political party as an executor to implement Affirmative Action as well as to realize gender equality in a political position in Indonesia. It is expected that regulation formulating policy of general election and political party in the future is not only focused on normative policy but also balanced by sanction policy.

scholarly journals Equality just Over the Horizon: Soviet Gender Equality in Law and Policy

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-181
Author(s):  
Valdemaras Klumbys
Keyword(s):  
Gender Equality ◽  
Social Reality ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Relation ◽  
Gender Policy ◽  
Law And Policy ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
And Gender

This article presents an analysis of Soviet law on the family which was valid in Lithuania from 1940, in order to ascertain how it reflected gender equality, how (or if ) it was formed, the legal measures the state harnessed in order to create family and gender relation models in various areas of life, and what kind of family and gender policy formed as a result. The law is contextualised in this paper by immersing it in the social reality of its time. This allows us to determine what norms and provisions determined the political and legal resolutions of the Soviet authorities, and to discuss their influence on society. The two most important periods in Soviet gender policy are distinguished. Initially revolutionary and radical in Lithuania, with the aim of changing society to realise its goals, after the 1950s, state policy became more reactive, and adapted to the changed, modernised society and its needs. This paper proposes to see changes to women’s situation during the Soviet period not as emancipation, but as (double) mobilisation. The reasons for the stagnation in masculinity in Soviet law and policy, for not keeping up with or adapting to the rapidly changing social reality, are also analysed. The contradictions in Soviet policy regarding the family and gender are shown, where it proved impossible to unambiguously apply ‘conservative-liberal’ or ‘traditional- liberal’ distinctions in both policy and reality.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document