Journalism and Regional Identity: The Colonial Writings of George E. Loyau

1996 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Denis Cryle

This discussion of George Loyau's prolific literary output will examine journalism in the wider context of literary production and raise questions about the role of journalists as entertainers as well as social and political commentators. Journalism remained Loyau's working profession for four decades (1860–1898). Yet it is easily overlooked because of his significant contribution to early Australian poetry and history. Loyau's verse and fiction were widely disseminated in the colonial press of the 1860s and 1870s, a time when he wrote for metropolitan and regional papers in all the mainland colonies except Western Australia. Regional Queensland, however, was the starting point and final location for a remarkable career which combined periods of public prominence with harrowing personal adversity. Indeed, the distinctive irony of Loyau's career is that adversity was never more acute than in those periods when his reputation as a poet and historian was being made. By contrast, regional journalism provided Loyau with the material means and social support he lacked in the large colonial centres. A recurring theme for the larger study of colonial journalists is the question of mobility. While metropolitan and political reporting were mostly highly prized by ambitious young journalists, Loyau's career confirms the role of regional networks in journalism and the existence of a class of readers who continued to crave popular fiction and entertainment as weekly staples. Although such journalism remained at odds with the political culture of the Fourth Estate, Loyau's literary persona proved both durable and complex, combining a deepseated sense of cultural inferiority with the celebration of the ephemeral through the practices of popular journalism.

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (11) ◽  
pp. 1290-1308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandrine Ricci ◽  
Manon Bergeron

Québec university communities are facing intensified pressure to address the incidence of sexual violence on campus. The ESSIMU ( Enquête Sexualité, Sécurité et Interactions en Milieu Universitaire) survey (2016) revealed that one third of respondents (students and employees from six universities, all genders combined) reported having experienced at least one form of sexual violence since arriving at university, committed by someone affiliated with the same university. As the issue is becoming increasingly institutionalized, a process that often erodes activism, this article highlights the role feminist activism has played in placing sexual violence on university campuses on the political agenda. From the dual perspective of feminist activists and researchers on the ESSIMU team, the article explores the backdrop of this mobilization, and the network of feminist resistance that fostered the ESSIMU study, itself a significant contribution to the increased recognition of sexual violence in universities. It also considers the role of university and government institutions in (re)producing such violence and the role of media in making it a public issue.


Author(s):  
Yuri Pines

This chapter explores the reasons for the recurrence of large-scale popular uprisings throughout imperial history. It considers how the idea of rebellion correlates with fundamental principles of Chinese political culture, such as monarchism and intellectual elitism. Moreover, the chapter looks at why the rebellions serve to support rather than disrupt the empire's longevity. These issues are then related to the broader issue of the political role of the “people,” here referring primarily, although not exclusively, to the lower strata, in the Chinese imperial enterprise. In answering these questions, this chapter focuses on ideological and social factors that both legitimated rebellions and also enabled their accommodation within the imperial enterprise.


Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095950
Author(s):  
Jefferson Lyndon D Ragragio

Editorials are a political force used by news media to fulfil its watchdog function in fragile democracies like the Philippines. However, they also serve as a platform to invite a more positive reading of strongman administration. Against the backdrop of media populism, the article will problematize how the Fourth Estate articulates its political stance by examining the tensions and complexities in editorials. It will highlight the ways the media deals with subjects and stories surrounding Rodrigo Duterte. Through an analysis of editorials of four leading dominant news outlets (Bulletin, Inquirer, Rappler, and Star), three meta-thematic categories of media frames are uncovered. First, character degradation frames delineate how the media denounces the ties of Duterte with other political actors, particularly the Marcoses and China’s Xi. Second, pro-establishment frames echo the optimistic mantra of the government amid crisis. And third, non-editorial frames exhibit the failure of media to publish watchdog-inspired editorials. Each of these categories has underlying frames that are indicative of the democratic potential, or lack thereof, of news media.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-9

The article is about the evolution of the status of the Boyar Duma in Russia during the six centuries from X to XV. The role of boyars in the political life of the country has changed with the development of the role of the Prince´s administration and overcoming feudal disunity. Boyars´ management in real historical practice was ineffective. But this fact has become an important factor in the formation of national political culture.


Author(s):  
Андрей Барашков ◽  
Andrey Barashkov

The present research investigates the phenomenon of political humour in modern Russian TV shows. The paper features the case of such wits and humour competition as the KVN Show (The Club of the Funny and Sharp-witted). The author describes the concepts of laughter, humour, and the comic and explains their political component. The research objective was to reveal the role of the KVN's political humour in the political culture of the country. The author used the method of discourse analysis to study the performances of the KVN teams in the Major and Premier Leagues taken from "YouTube". The research results are of particular interest, which make it possible to develop the issues of political humour and the phenomenon of the KVN.


Mnemosyne ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-36
Author(s):  
Marek Jan Olbrycht

Abstract Rome’s campaign in Armenia in 69-67 BC is an exceptionally important chapter in military history, one which provides insights into the political arrangements, alliances, and strategies from both sides of the conflict. This article focuses on the culmination of this war, i.e. the battle of Tigranokerta, the comparison of armies, and the role of cavalry, in particular the cataphracts. In scholarly studies, the accounts of Sallust, Plutarch and some other sources on the encounter at Tigranokerta have become the starting point for numerous conclusions, often misleading, regarding the then military operation and the part played by the units of cataphracts. The evaluation of the source data leads to a re-assessment of the picture of the war in Armenia.


1964 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-186
Author(s):  
Ronald H. Chilcote

Today, Peru faces three essential problems: 1) the lack of geographical integration; 2) racial diversity and the failure of restratification among the social classes; and finally, 3) the rising tension generated by population growth and shifts. Within the context of these three problems may be evaluated the role of two “designs” for action — first, the Alliance for Progress and, second, the program of Peru's new government, which, while cooperating with the Alliance's program, is striving for independent, nationalistic action and finds itself confronting an exploding, revolutionary situation created by the masses of Indians unassimilated into the political culture.


1999 ◽  
pp. 106-108
Author(s):  
Anatolii M. Kolodnyi ◽  
Arsen Gudyma ◽  
Oleksandr N. Sagan

Participants of the symposium, having discussed the problem of the existence of Christianity in the context of national self-determination, the ethnoconclusion possibilities of the religious factor, taking into account the peculiarities of the development of Christianity in the political culture of society, the functioning and role of religion in the process of national self-determination of the state, the formation of ethnoconfessional self-consciousness.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (III) ◽  
pp. 90-99
Author(s):  
Shazia Ismail Toor

Media influence on politics has always been a debatable subject due to its immense potential. Media is regarded as the fourth estate of the nation, and the role of traditional media in the political arena is indispensable. The agenda-setting by newspapers plays a pivotal part in forming the image of a political party. This study is an exertion to examine the leading English and Urdu newspapers (Dawn, The News, Jang, Nawa-i-Waqt) of Pakistan to find out the portrayal given to PPPP, PML-N and PTI during PPPP's five-year (2008- 2013) regime. By employing the content analysis method, findings indicate that PML-N was given the maximum editorial and news coverage regarding the important national issues, whereas PPPP got the second most frequent coverage. PPPP was presented in an unfavourable manner, and PLM-N was given the least negative reportage. Results of the study revealed that English and Urdu newspapers adopted a supportive stance towards PML (N).


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Jonuz Abdullai ◽  
Mr. Demush Bajrami

The political culture, according to scholar Kavanagh is part of the overall societal culture, and represents a set of basic values, emotions, knowledge, attitudes and convictions, within which the political system operates, shaping and feeding political processes. Culture came as a sequence to efforts to factor the spiritual world of people in explicating policy. Political culture brings to surface some kind of independence of culture from economic factors, and the role of culture in political order and economic development.This paper provides the theoretical aspects of political culture and political systems, within which its reflection is analysed on several aspects of interethnic relations in a democracy. Also, it accentuates the preferred paths of Western Balkan countries, including Macedonia, towards integration with the European Union, which is spiked with many challenges. In the political culture of multi-ethnic societies, ethnic divisions may have an influence. The ethnic principles are still present in the political arena of Macedonia, where although there is some “interethnic reconciliation”, the failure in implementing the Ohrid Framework Agreement, signed in 2001, between Albanians and Macedonians, there are often political contractions, affecting national interests, which is in contradiction to all values of the European Union, mainly with human rights, but also ethnic rights.The object of the analysis of this paper is specifically related to:extended transition of Macedonia,political consensus,role of political parties, andinterethnic relations after the Ohrid Framework Agreement.Political culture in South-Eastern European countries has been analysed in different views, especially in the reform process, where it has an important role.Conclusions of this paper are that Macedonia must fulfil the conditions set forth, both political and institutional, based on the political culture for EU integration, since political culture, according to scholar L. Pye represents a “set of basic values, emotions and knowledge shaping and feeding political processes”. 


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