scholarly journals Political culture in Macedonia after the Ohrid Framework Agreement

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Jonuz Abdullai ◽  
Mr. Demush Bajrami

The political culture, according to scholar Kavanagh is part of the overall societal culture, and represents a set of basic values, emotions, knowledge, attitudes and convictions, within which the political system operates, shaping and feeding political processes. Culture came as a sequence to efforts to factor the spiritual world of people in explicating policy. Political culture brings to surface some kind of independence of culture from economic factors, and the role of culture in political order and economic development.This paper provides the theoretical aspects of political culture and political systems, within which its reflection is analysed on several aspects of interethnic relations in a democracy. Also, it accentuates the preferred paths of Western Balkan countries, including Macedonia, towards integration with the European Union, which is spiked with many challenges. In the political culture of multi-ethnic societies, ethnic divisions may have an influence. The ethnic principles are still present in the political arena of Macedonia, where although there is some “interethnic reconciliation”, the failure in implementing the Ohrid Framework Agreement, signed in 2001, between Albanians and Macedonians, there are often political contractions, affecting national interests, which is in contradiction to all values of the European Union, mainly with human rights, but also ethnic rights.The object of the analysis of this paper is specifically related to:extended transition of Macedonia,political consensus,role of political parties, andinterethnic relations after the Ohrid Framework Agreement.Political culture in South-Eastern European countries has been analysed in different views, especially in the reform process, where it has an important role.Conclusions of this paper are that Macedonia must fulfil the conditions set forth, both political and institutional, based on the political culture for EU integration, since political culture, according to scholar L. Pye represents a “set of basic values, emotions and knowledge shaping and feeding political processes”. 

2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-173
Author(s):  
Andrius Švarplys

‘Europe’ and ‘Russia’ have historically been the most remarkable landmarks, playing geopolitical, cultural, and moral guide-role in the construction of national collective identities in the Central Eastern European countries, including Lithuania. This ‘civilizational identity’ helped to unite Lithuanian political elites as well as society towards the direction to West and Europe after the collapse of Soviet Union. The question article addresses is: does the factual belonging to the European Union after the 1st May, 2004 give the impulse to re-define ‘Europe’ and ‘Russia’ as the old essentials of collective identity of Lithuanians? The article presents the research based on monitoring of national public discourse (five Lithuanian national newspapers) in 2004-2007, i.e. enjoying three years of membership in the European Union and NATO. The main result is that the role of Russia in the Lithuanian collective identity has not changed and still continues to play the major threat. The membership in the European Union and NATO has not solved Lithuanian security problem. According to the perceived threat, Russia has started to penetrate softly into Lithuania’s economy (especially energy sector) and has silently begun to make an impact to the domestic political parties and political elite. The traditional role of Europe, however, is slowly but gradually shifting from mythical ‘Paradise’ image to more critical understandings about divided Europe and selfish member-states. Already being in the EU and NATO, Lithuania should balance sometimes unfriendly westerners’ reluctance to understand the situation and help against Russia with the economic power that Russia uses as a political instrument against Lithuania on the international arena, as well as in domestic politics. This results in the feelings of „lost and forgotten” between Europe and Russia. Nevertheless, Europe continues to earn a positive meaning in national collective identity of Lithuanians, but all these trends in public discourse show that the state and society have only just started to realize its interests and learn how to handle the major challenges through the cooperation within the European Union, i.e. to build integrational European identity.


The publication is devoted to the analysis of the UK exit from the European Union as a manifestation of the systemic crisis of the liberal democracy model. The causes and difficulties of this process are analyzed under the conditions of the failure of the political system to make political decisions. The problematic issues of liberal ideology and the model of liberal democracy were examined. The differences in the ideological convictions of the two founders of liberalism – Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, as well as the role of these differences in the modern functioning of liberal democracy in the United Kingdom. The role of globalization processes in the world in the context of the development and functioning of liberal democracy is analyzed. Some features of the course of globalization processes in the world are highlighted. The features of the existence of the European Union as an international supranational organization in the context of its influence on the functioning and stability of the political system of the United Kingdom are examined. The features of the functioning of the model of liberal democracy under conditions of strengthening the international way of making political, economic and legal decisions are emphasized. Particular attention is paid to the political motives of organizing of start of the process of the UK’s exit from the European Union, as well as the consequences of such a decision. In addition, the role of populist movements in this process, that have Euro-skeptical positions, has been established. The features of the functioning of populist movements are highlighted. The essence of the crisis of the model of liberal democracy in the United Kingdom is determined. The author analyzes the risks of the United Kingdom leaving the European Union in the context of a peace settlement of the conflict in Northern Ireland as one of the indicators of the crisis of the liberal political system. In conclusion is performed analysis of some results of the referendum on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union.


2020 ◽  
pp. 3-16
Author(s):  
Bernadette Rainey ◽  
Pamela McCormick ◽  
Clare Ovey

This chapter examines the history and institutions associated with the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). It discusses the political context in which the European Convention was drafted and both the political developments and philosophies which shaped its content. It also examines the system of protection provided by the different organs of the Council of Europe; the relationship between those organs and other international courts and tribunals, including the European Union; and the role of the Secretary-General of the Council of Europe, the Commissioner for Human Rights, and the other human rights instruments of the Council of Europe in the enforcement of the human rights provisions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 104-109
Author(s):  
E. M. Abiev ◽  

This article is devoted to the issue of mediation in a multi-ethnic environment, which has a number of features, because even every domestic conflict can be colored in ethnic tones. The role of ethnic groups themselves is very important here, as well as the role of the Assembly of people of Kazakhstan, which performs mediation functions for reconciliation and building harmonious interethnic relations in the Republic of Kazakhstan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory W. Fuller

Since the outbreak of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic, the European Union has taken tentative steps toward the issuance of joint debt. This progress is significant but puzzling: the technical value of such instruments has never been in doubt; however, the political will to move forward has always been lacking. What changed? This short article argues that contemporary political economy research points us toward the role of ideas and identity in explaining this shift.


2014 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 682-703 ◽  
Author(s):  
Firat Cengiz

Turkey is undergoing the most substantial constitutional reform process in its history, at the same time as carrying out significant peace talks with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party. These two processes will have profound effects on the country’s future governance. Most importantly, the processes could contribute to bridging gaps in Turkey’s polarized society. As the processes take place in secret, their substantive contents are currently unknown. This article provides a critical analysis of the processes in the light of the new theory of constitutionalism, paying particular attention to the changing role of the European Union in Turkey’s reform discussions. This analysis leads to some sceptical conclusions: given the secrecy, exclusiveness and political hostility surrounding the processes, it seems that they are unlikely to achieve their potential. In addition, despite its contradictions, the weakening of European Union conditionality appears to have negatively affected the reform process.


2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franck Düvell

AbstractThis article empirically analyses the political and legal construction of irregular migration across selected member states of the European Union. First, it considers how policies lay the preconditions for irregular migration. Second, it explores the role of politics and law in generating irregular migration. Thus, it carves out diverse and divergent practices across the EU and argues that these are related to divergent legal and political cultures among the member states. This reveals that regulations that are meant to prevent unwanted migration often have unintended side-effects and instead encourage irregular migration which is conceptualised as a policy gap and policy failure. The conclusion drawn from this is that some irregular migration can be avoided and that there is scope for accordingly reforming national laws.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 183-205
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Jasiecki

The aim of the article is to describe the genesis, role, significance, conditions and effects of economic cooperation of the Visegrad Group countries in the European Union, with particular emphasis on their development after 2015. It presents the distinguishing features and specifi city of the Group’s cooperation before accession to NATO and the EU in the context of the situation of Central Europe and other European post-communist countries, as well as the most important aspects of the political and economic potential of the V4 countries against the background of the EU and selected member states. Various aspects of their economic cooperation in the region are discussed, as well as the structural limitations of the role of the Visegrad Group countries in the EU and related controversy. The final part contains conclusions relating to the Group’s activities with regard to the main axes of political and economic divisions in the EU, with particular emphasis placed on economic dimensions.


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