scholarly journals On the Bituminous Coal of the Arigna District, Counties of Roscommon and Leitrim

The Geologist ◽  
1863 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-92
Author(s):  
George V. Du Noyer

“Why is it that there is no bituminous coal of any account in Ireland?” This is a question which I have often been asked by well-informed people, and the answer is comprised in the one descriptive word “Denudation.” In truth, there is no reason why, at one period of our geological history, the great mass of the bituminous coal-bearing strata occurring in England should not have extended over what is now Ireland; but, strange to say, while this store of inestimable wealth was being preserved in England, and covered by the New Red Sandstone and probably Tertiary rocks, the adjoining portion of the earth's crust was being gradually raised from beneath the sea, and wellnigh effectually denuded of its carbonaceous covering. Ireland, therefore, for the most part, presents an older geological surface than England, especially over the areas now occupied by the Devonian and Carboniferous rocks; and I believe that all we have now remaining to us in the upper portion of the latter, is some of the basal beds of the English coal-measures, represented by three thin layers of bituminous coal, capping the mountains at either side of Lough Allen, in the counties of Roscommon and Leitrim, and extending into the Co. Sligo.The most important coal-beds of the Arigna district, or those which are being worked at present, occur to the west of Lough Allen, and near the summits of the mountains of Kilronan and Altagowlan; the former being 1081 feet, and the latter 1377 feet above the sea, having the valley of the Arigna river between them. From an examination of these coal-fields, which I made in the month of March, 1862, I am enabled to add some information to that which we already possess regarding them, which, I have no doubt, will be acceptable to those who are interested in the subject of the Irish bituminous coals.

1877 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 155-156
Author(s):  
W. T. Aveline

Since the Government Geological Survey of the country around Nottingham was made in the year 1859, and the Explanation on the Geological Map Quarter-sheet 71 N.E. was written in 1861, papers by local geologists have been written, stating that in the neighbourhood of Nottingham a perfect conformity existed between the Magnesian Limestone and the New Red Sandstone. This being totally at variance with conclusions I came to when I surveyed that country, I have been for some time past desirous to say a word on the subject, but being deeply occupied with the old rocks of the Lake district, I have put it off from time to time. I felt little doubt in my mind, when surveying the neighbourhood of Nottingham, that there was a considerable break between the Magnesian Limestone and the New Red Sandstone, and this opinion was completely confirmed as I continued my survey northwards through Nottinghamshire into Yorkshire.


1867 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 503-508 ◽  

When, on the 14th of December 1864, I addressed you on the subject of the remarkable discovery which had been recently made in Canada, and submitted by Sir William Logan to myself for verification, of a fossil belonging to the Foraminiferal type, occurring in large masses in the Serpentine-limestones intercalated among Gneissic and other rocks in the Lower Laurentian formation, and therefore long anterior in Geological time to the earliest traces of life previously observed, no doubts had been expressed as to the organic nature of this body, which had received the designation Eozoon Canadense . The announcement was soon afterwards made, that the Serpentine Marble of Connemara, employed as an ornamental marble by builders under the name of “Irish Green,” presented structural characters sufficiently allied to those of the Laurentian Serpentines of Canada to justify its being referred to the same origin. An examination of numerous decalcified specimens of this rock led me to the conclusion, that although the evidences of its organic origin were by no means such as to justify, or even to suggest, such a doctrine, if the structure of the Canadian Eozoon had not been previously elucidated, yet that the very exact correspondence in size and mode of aggregation between the Serpentine-granules of the Connemara Marble and those of the ‘acervuline’ portion of the Canadian, was sufficient to justify in behalf of the one the claim which had been freely conceded in regard to the other.


In spite of the great progress which has been made in the study of Coal Measure plants, the subject of leaf structure has been largely neglected. The author is investigating the structure of the leaves of the principal groups of palæozoic plants with the view of determining their morphological and biological characters, and also of obtaining some knowledge of the conditions under which they grew. The speimens of Calamite leaves described in this paper have been found chiefly in slides in existing collections, and most of the material originally came from the Halifax Hard Bed of the Lower Coal measures.


1871 ◽  
Vol 161 ◽  
pp. 477-510 ◽  

A few preliminary words may he necessary to prevent misunderstanding respecting the claims and objects of the following memoir. When I entered upon the investigation of which it records the results, I found, in the writings of various British and foreign authors, a copious Calamitean literature; hut the widest discrepancies prevailed amongst them both as to facts and to inductions. I therefore determined to pursue the study of this group of fossils as if de novo, to record the facts which I observed, and to draw from those facts alone such inferences as seemed legitimate, both facts and inferences being in a certain sense, and so far as was possible under the circumstances, new and original. But it necessarily follows that some of these facts and inferences are not absolutely new, though many of them, I think, will he found to he additions to our knowledge of the subject; whilst others, though not new, have presented themselves to me in a light different to that in which they have been regarded by my able predecessors in the study. Such being the object of the memoir, I have not deemed it desirable to include in it a record of all the observations made by preceding writers. As a rule I have only referred to them when the discussion of some moot point rendered such a reference necessary. The fundamental aim of the memoir is to demonstrate the unity of type existing amongst the British Calamites. Brongniart, Dawson, and other writers believe that there exist amongst these plants two types of structure, the one Cryptogamic and Equisetaceous, the other Exogenous and Gymnospermous; on the other hand, Schimper and Carruthers regard the whole as Equiseceous, affording an example of the diversity of opinion on fundamental points to which I have already referred. Of course, before arriving at their conclusions, Brongniart, and those who adopt his views, had fully apprehended the exogenous structure of the woody zone of the Calamite, which is further illustrated in this memoir. The separation of each internode into vertical radiating plates of vascular and cellular tissues, arranged alternately, was familiar to Brongniart, Unger, and other early observers. Cotta regarded the cellular tracts (my primary medullary rays) as medullary rays ; but this interpretation was rejected by Unger, and the same divergence of view on this point has recurred amongst subsequent writers. Unger also noticed what I have designated secondary medullary rays, but at a much more recent date Mr. Carruthers disputed their existence. In their 'Fossil Flora of Great Britain,' Lindley and Hutton gave very correct illustrations of the position of the roots of Calamites relatively to the stem ; and yet for years afterwards some of their figures reappeared in geological text-books in an inverted position, the roots doing duty as leaves ; so far was even this elementary point from being settled. The true nature of the common sandstone form of Calamites, viz. that they are inorganic casts of the interior of the woody cylinder from which the pith has been removed, has been alike recognized by Germar, Corda, and Dawes; but they referred the disappearance of the cellular tissues of the pith to inorganic decay which took place subsequently to the death of the plant. It appears to me that the condition in which we find these cellular tissues affords no countenance to this conclusion. They are as perfectly preserved, when present, as any of the other tissues of the plant. Their inner surface, nearest the fistular cavity, presents no appearance of death and decay, but of rupture and absorption, which I conclude has occurred during life,—a different hypothesis from that adopted by my predecessors, and for which my reasons will be assigned in the memoir. The labours of Mr. Binney are referred to in the text. He figured the longitudinal internodal canals, but was disposed to believe that they had merely formed passages for vessels. He gave, however, excellent figures of the woody wedges, the primary medullary rays, and the cellular medulla, with its nodal septa or diaphragms .


1967 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 102-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. F. Paget

The complex of tunnels and buildings described in this article was discovered by Keith W. Jones of the United States Navy and myself in the course of our general exploration of the underground antiquities of the Phlegrean Fields, made with the kind permission of Professor Alfonso de Franciscis, the Superintendent of Antiquities for Campania. They are the subject of a book recently published by myself (In the Footsteps of Orpheus, Hale, London 1967), but in view of their very unusual nature I have gladly accepted an invitation by the Director of the British School to contribute to the Papers a short factual account, together with the plans we made in the course of our survey (fig. 1).When the terraced structures overlooking the bay and port of Baia were excavated in 1956–58, many tunnel entrances were uncovered. With the exception of the one short tunnel leading to the hot spring at the rear of the so-called Temple of Mercury, and a few obvious drainage ducts, the tunnels are all concentrated in the areas marked III and IV on the plans in the guide book, The Phlegrean Fields by A. Maiuri (3rd ed., 1958).


Author(s):  
Robert G. Greenhill

The interplay between the Colonial Office and British businessmen around the turn of the last century forms the background of this essay. Although the subject has been well-documented in a number of scholarly books and articles, we still lack an unambiguous definition of the relationship. Wide interpretations are still possible on the limits and the extent of the influence exercised by both officials and entrepreneurs. On the one hand, it is argued that the Colonial Office “had an instinctive dislike of government intervention in economic activity.”...


1939 ◽  
Vol 76 (9) ◽  
pp. 408-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. M. Trotter

The origin of the West Cumberland haematites is one of those unsettled problems that have exercised the minds of geologists and miners for more than half a century. Theories have been evolved, but not one can claim general acceptance. It is not my purpose to discuss these theories here, but the consideration of one of them was directly responsible for the examination of the reddened Carboniferous rocks that form the subject of this paper. This theory, first advocated by J. G. Goodchild and later supported by Dr. B. Smith, may be stated briefly thus: The New Red Sandstone rocks were the immediate source of the haematites. From these rocks the iron was carried in solution to lower levels by the downward percolation of meteoric waters. The theory had the merit of explaining, not only the haematite deposits of the Carboniferous Limestone of West Cumberland, many of which occur beneath the New Red Sandstone Series, but also the reddened Carboniferous strata frequently found in North-Western England, beneath and fringing the base of the Permo-Triassic rocks.


1983 ◽  
Vol 97 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Ruurs

AbstractAn earlier article on Saenredam's construction drawings (Note, 1 ) left open the question of how he obtained his knowledge of perspective. His teacher Frans de Grebber (Note 2) will no doubt have taught him the rudiments thereof, but the minimal nature of the knowledge thus gained clearly emerges from a study of what is probably his first drawing of a church interior (Fig.1, Note 3) . This drawing of St. Bavo's, Haarlem, which is dated 1627, belongs to a series he made for the third edition of Samuel Ampzing's Beschryvinge ende lof der stad Haarlem.., which was published in 1628 (Note 4). The drawing was made on the spot and served as the direct model for Jan van de Velde's engraving (Note 5), thus there was no intervening construction drawing here. Saenredam did, however, draw some guidelines- orthogonals and vertical axes - with the aid of a ruler. At first sight he appears to have kept fairly carefully to the rules of central perspective, but closer inspection shows that he failed to solve the problem of the rendering of a very large angle of vision (Note 6) . The making of a genuine construction drawing demands a much greater knowledge of perspective and as Saenredam's first construction drawing already dates from 1628 (Note 9), he must have begun his studies of the subject in that year or in 1627. In 1935 Swillens suggested three people who could have helped him: Jacob van Campen, Salomon de Bray and Bartholomeus van Bassen (Note 10). Van Bassen, who in 1639 became city architect of The Hague, where he had worked since 1622, almost certainly commissioned Saenredam to make the drawing of the Koningshuis in Rhenen in 1644 (Note 12), but no other contacts between the two are known. Similarly, although Saenredam made some copies of drawings by Salomon de Bray at his request in 1632 (Note 13) and the two men both served on the board of the Haarlem Guild of St. Luke in 1633-4 and 1640-1 (Note 14), no other evidence of a relation ship exists. Saenredam did, however, know Jacob van Campen from the period 1612 -14, when they were both pupils of De Grebber (Note 15) and he also carried out various commissions for Van Campen later (Note 16), while in 1627 - 8 Van Campen was likewise working on Ampzing's book and in 1628 he drew a portrait of Saenredam (Note 17). However, although Van Campen zvas probably a gifted perspectivst (Note 18), there still remains another candidate with a stronger claim to have been Saenredam's teacher, namely the surveyor Pieter Wils, who was also a mathematician, astronomer and fortification engineer (Note 19). He drew the ground plan of St. Bavo's for Ampzing's book and, much more significantly, he also compiled a list of measurements of the church for the benefit of those wishing to make perspective drawings of it, which was included in the appendix (Note 20). It must be remembered that making drawings of existing churches in perspective with the aid of measurements was an entirely new idea in 1628, so that it seems more than likely that Saenredam will have consulted Wils about his difficulties in making his drawing and that the list was one of the outcomes of this. This supposition is much strengthened now that it has appeared that the three sketchy measurements of fragments, of the interior of St. Bavo's traditionally atrributed to Saenredam were made in preparation for Wils' list (Note 21). Saenredam may also have got his knowledge in part from books on the subject, although there is no published treatise in which all the methods used by him are described (Note 22) and in 1627- 8 there was not even a text describing how to translate the distance between the eye and a given point on the object into the distance on the panel (Note 23). Moreover, 16th- and 17th-century treatises on perspective were in general scarcely suited to self study, being often prolix or even incorrect in their examples (Note 24) or peppered with misprints (Note 25), while the didactic abilities of their authors sometimes left a lot to be desired (Note 26). We now know what books Saenredam possessed, thanks to the recent discovery of a catalogue of the sale of them in Haarlem on 20 April 1667 (Fig. 2, Note 28). Fifteen mumbers in the catalogue relate to books on mathematics, perspective and architecture and a list of these is given here. It is, however, striking how few books on perspective Saenredam possessed. The five works by Steven that he owned (Note 33), for example, did not include the one on perspective, albeit it is most interesting to note that his copies of the first two volumes of Wisconstighe Ghedachtnissen (folio no. 56) were annotated by Pieter Wils, to whom they had originally belonged. If one takes away the books not directly concerned with perspective and those published after 1627- 8, that leaves only Serlio and Dürer (folios no. 19 and 45, Notes 35 and 38) and Saenredam cannot have learned much from either of these that will have been of any practical use to him. Thus it must have been Pieter Wils in the main who helped him to develop usable construction techniques.


2008 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-309
Author(s):  
MUSTAFA DEHQAN

With the exception of a minor mention, which Sharaf Khān (b.1543) made in theSharafnāma, the first information about the most southern group of Kurdish tribes in Iranian Kurdistan, the Lek, first became available to modern readers inBustān al-Sīyāḥa, a geographical and historical Persian text by Shīrwānī (1773–1832). These hitherto unknown Lek communities, were probably settled in north-western and northern Luristan, known as Lekistan, by order of Shāh ‘Abbās, who wished in this way to create some support for Ḥusayn Khān, thewālīof Luristan. Many of the centres of Lekî intellectual life in the late Afshārīd and early Zand period, which is also of much importance in that the Zand dynasty arose from it, are located in this geographical area. One has only to call to mind the names of such places as Alishtar (Silsila), Kūhdasht, Khāwa, Nūr Ābād, Uthmānwand and Jalālwand in the most southern districts of Kirmānshāh, and also the Lek tribes of eastern Īlām. The very mention of these cities and villages already sets in motion in one's imagination the parade of Twelver Shiites, Ahl-i Haqq heretics, and non-religious oral literary councils which constitutes the history of Lekî new era. But unfortunately little of this is known in the West and Lekî literature remains one of the neglected subjects of literary and linguistic Kurdish studies. This important oral literature and also some written manuscripts are unpublished and untranslated into western languages. The subject of this article is the translation ofZîn-ə Hördemîr, as an example of a genre of Lekî written literature which also provides linguistic data for the Lekî dialect of southern Kurdish.


1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salwa Ismail

The rise of Islamist groups in Egypt's polity and society is given force through the articulation of a set of competing yet inter-linked discourses that challenge the authority of the post-independence secular nationalist discourse and attempt to reconstitute the field of struggle and domination in religious terms. Concurrently, these discourses seek authoritative status over the scope of meanings related to questions of identity, history, and the place of Islam in the world. The interpretations and definitions elaborated in reference to these questions by radical Islamist forces (the jihad groups and other militant Islamist elements) are often seen to dominate the entire field of meaning. However, claims to authority over issues of government, morality, identity, and Islam's relationship to the West are also made in and through a discourse that can appropriately be labeled “conservative Islamist.” The discourse and political role of conservative Islamism are the subject of this article.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document