India, Racial Caste, and Abolition in Charles Sumner's Political Thought

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Hari Ramesh

In recent years, scholars across the humanities have argued that the nineteenth-century American abolitionists articulated important conceptual lessons about democracy. This essay contributes to this literature by newly interpreting the political thought of Charles Sumner. Regnant scholarly treatments of Sumner have been narrowly biographical. I shift focus by examining his use of the word “caste” as an analytic and political term. The article demonstrates that Sumner adopted the language of caste from missionary accounts of caste hierarchy in India; that he used this information to argue that there was an oppressive analogue at home: racial caste; and that, accordingly, Sumner's conception of abolition included the dismantling of racial caste and the cultivation of interracial republican association.

1979 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 543-554
Author(s):  
George Feaver

There is something intrepidly parochial in Patricia Hughes's account of Mill's views. Her very opening statement, with its new vision of society, its “emerging social forces,” its principals “trapped by traditional influences,” sets the tone for the enterprise which follows—an historical melodrama with J. S. Mill, the patron saint of contemporary liberalism, reborn in Canada without his aspergillum, an affable enough character, a sort of Bruno Gerussi of the political thought set, his do-gooder's heart generally in the right place but his head usually muddled: an admirably earnest figure, even, who some how always misses the point but, up to now, has gotten away with it. Our aspiring script-writer intends to set things right, to show how we can redo the storyline (which may require substituting another nineteenth century great in the leading role), so as to combine passion and theory in a really radical vision of a fully liberated society.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (03) ◽  
pp. 616-618
Author(s):  
Diego Mazzoccone ◽  
Mariano Mosquera ◽  
Silvana Espejo ◽  
Mariana Fancio ◽  
Gabriela Gonzalez ◽  
...  

It is very difficult to date the birth of political science in Argentina. Unlike other discipline of the social sciences, in Argentina the first distinction can be made between political thought on the one hand, and political science in another. The debate over political thought—as the reflection of different political questions—emerged in our country in the nineteenth century, especially during the process of constructing the Argentine nation-state. Conversely, political science is defined in a general way as the application of the scientific method to the studies on the power of the state (Fernández 2001).


1990 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard F. Sigurdson

This article argues, contrary to the analyses of many scholars, that the political thought of the nineteenth-century Swiss cultural historian Jacob Burckhardt is neither frivolous nor irrelevant. More specifically, this essay combines biographical information about Burckhardt with an analysis of his major writings in order to challenge the notion that Burckhardt was simply a cultural historian and not a serious political thinker. The central teaching of Burckhardt's life is that the intellectual in mass society can best serve the community, not by direct political participation, but by working for the intellectual, aesthetic, and moral cultivation of the individual. The central teachings of his political writings are that “great men” often rule but unjustly, that successful leaders approach politics as a “work of art” and master the devices necessary to shape their subjects, that culture should not be subordinated to the state, and finally that individualism, class conflict, mass democracy, and the erosion of culture are both unfortunate and inevitable aspects of modernity.


2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (153) ◽  
pp. 40-57
Author(s):  
Michael J. Turner

Chartism, though weak in Ireland, was the most significant popular political mobilisation in nineteenth-century Britain. Among its main architects was the Irish-born radical journalist and orator, Bronterre O'Brien. This article will describe and explain a key element in O’Brien’s politics. Dubbed ‘the schoolmaster of Chartism’ because of his contribution to the movement's intellectual foundations, O'Brien was one of the few Chartist leaders who had celebrity status, though he broke with other leaders and with the mainstream movement in the early 1840s. His influence waned thereafter and his reputation among historians of Chartism is mixed, but his thoughts about Irish issues circulated widely for a time and they offer suggestive revelations about Ireland's importance to radicals of the Chartist era, about wider debates concerning Irish society and its problems, and about contemporary concepts of Irishness.


Author(s):  
Yasmeen Daifallah

This chapter explores the trajectory of turāth (or the premodern Arab and Islamic cultural and religious heritage) as a political concept in modern Arab social and political thought. First, it elaborates a definition of turāth by weaving together an account of its substantive content with its various ideological mobilizations by Arab political thinkers since the mid-nineteenth century. Second, it maps anglophone scholarship on turāth as a politically relevant concept. Third, it provides an overview of how Arab political thinkers engaged turāth to authorize different political projects during colonial and postcolonial periods. Finally, the chapter examines the role that turāth plays in the political theory of the contemporary Moroccan thinker Abdullah Laroui (b. 1933). Ultimately, the chapter shows how the notion of an Arab–Islamic heritage has aided in distinguishing Arab culture from, and relating it to, its European counterpart to assert both its autonomy and its concordance with the perceived foundations of European ascendance. It is in that sense that the chapter suggests that, since its very inception, turāth has been a political and anticolonial concept par excellence.


Balcanica ◽  
2010 ◽  
pp. 131-153
Author(s):  
Boris Milosavljevic

Two very influential political philosophers and politicians, Vladimir Jovanovic and Slobodan Jovanovic, differed considerably in political theory. The father, Vladimir, offered an Enlightenment-inspired rationalist critique of the traditional values underpinning his upbringing. The son, Slobodan, having had a non-traditional, liberal upbringing, gradually-through analyzing and criticizing the epoch?s prevail?ing ideas, scientism, positivism and materialism-came up with his own synthesis of traditional and liberal, state and liberty, general and individual. Unlike Vladimir Jovanovic, who advocated popular sovereignty, central to the political thought of his son Slobodan was the concept of the state. On the other hand, Slobodan shared his father?s conviction that a bicameral system was a prerequisite for the protection of individual liberties and for good governance. Political views based on different political philosophies decisively influenced different understandings of parliamentarianism in nineteenth-century Serbia, which in turn had a direct impact on the domestic political scene and the manner of government.


Balcanica ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 85-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivana Pantelic

The paper deals with the reception of J. S. Mill?s writings by contemporary Serbian intellectuals. As shown in the paper, the impact that Millean ideas made on many important Serbian politicians and philosophers from all parts of the political spectrum was broad and profound. Special attention is paid to the work of liberal and socialist thinkers, notably Vladimir Jovanovic and Svetozar Markovic. The influence of Mill?s ideas on Serbia?s political development is also examined, as well as how Mill?s attitude towards the question of women?s rights impacted contemporary Serbian political thought.


2018 ◽  
pp. 60-69
Author(s):  
Lyudmila Novoseltseva

Đorđe Stratimirović (1822-1908) is a romantic fgure in the history of the Serbian national movement in the second half of the nineteenth century. A born leader and inspirer, he played an important role in the Revolution of 1848-1849 and remained in the memory of generations as People’s General. However, his further activities were thrown out of the history of political thought of the Serbs of the Austrian monarchy as altering from his earlier views. As a mature man, he - under the infuence of political circumstances - turned from a young active liberal into a leader of the conservative direction. In 1872, he developed a program of the future moderate party, which included cooperation with the government of the Kingdom of Hungary. Given the Serbs were rather rallying around the liberals, uncompromising fghters for national rights, Stratimirović’s choice was a wrong move.


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