scholarly journals Coalition-Based Gender Lobbying: Revisiting Women's Substantive Representation in China's Authoritarian Governance

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
Xinhui Jiang ◽  
Yunyun Zhou

Abstract While research on women's substantive representation in legislatures has proliferated, our knowledge of gender lobbying mechanisms in authoritarian regimes remains limited. Adopting a state-society interaction approach, this article addresses how women's interests are substantively represented in China despite the absence of an electoral mandate and the omnipresence of state power. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, this article maps out the intertwining of key political agents and institutions within and outside the state that mobilize for women's grievances and demands. We find that representation of women's interests in China requires the emergence of a unified societal demand followed by a coalition of state agency allies navigating within legislative, executive, and Party-affiliated institutional bodies. The pursuit of women's interests is also politically bounded and faces strong repression if the lobbying lacks state alliances or the targeted issue is considered “politically sensitive” by the government.

1957 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 976-994 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard E. Brown

“On jongle trop avec la structure d'un Pays qui a été, dans le monde, le défenseur de l'individu, de la liberté, du sens de la mesure. Un petit paysan sur sa terre, n'est-il pas humainement autre chose que le chômeur de demain ou l'ouvrier qui sera condamné à fabriquer toute sa vie des boulons?”Le Betteravier Français, September 1956, page 1.Large-scale state intervention in the alcohol market in France dates from World War I, when the government committed itself to encourage the production of alcohol. Two chief reasons then lay back of this decision: a huge supply of alcohol was needed for the manufacture of gunpowder, and the devastation of the beet-growing regions of the north had severely limited production of beet alcohol, thereby throwing the domestic market out of balance. A law of 30 June 1916, adopted under emergency procedure, established a state agency empowered to purchase alcohol. At the end of the war, a decree of 1919 accorded the government the right “provisionally” to maintain the state monopoly. In 1922 the beetgrowers and winegrowers gave their support to the principle of a state monopoly which, in effect, reserved the industrial market for beet alcohol and the domestic market for viticulture. In 1931 the state was authorized to purchase alcohol distilled from surplus wine.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
JAGJEET LALLY

Abstract Across monsoon Asia, salt is of such vital necessity that controlling its production or supply has historically been connected to the establishment and expression of political authority. On the one hand, rulers maintained the allegiance of their subjects by ensuring their access to salt of suitable price and sufficient quantity. On the other hand, denying rebels their salt was a strategy of conquest and pacification, while the necessity of salt meant it could reliably be taxed to raise state finances. This article first sets out this connection of salt and sovereignty, then examining it in the context of colonial Burma, a province of British India from its annexation until its ‘divorce’ in 1935 (effected in 1937), and thus subject to the Government of India's salt monopoly. Focusing on salt brings into view two aspects of the state (while also permitting analysis of ‘Upper Burma’, which remains rather marginal in the scholarly literature). First, the everyday state and quotidian practices constitutive of its sovereignty, which was negotiated and contested where indigenes were able to exploit the chinks in the state's administrative capacity and its knowledge deficits. Second, in turn, the lumpy topography of state power. The state not only failed to restrict salt production to the extent it desired (with the intention that indigenes would rely on imported salt, whose supply was easier to control and thus tax), but conceded to a highly complex fiscal administration, the variegations in which reflected the uneven distribution in state power – thicker in the delta and thinnest in the uplands.


2009 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars-Erik Cederman ◽  
Andreas Wimmer ◽  
Brian Min

Much of the quantitative literature on civil wars and ethnic conflict ignores the role of the state or treats it as a mere arena for political competition among ethnic groups. Other studies analyze how the state grants or withholds minority rights and faces ethnic protest and rebellion accordingly, while largely overlooking the ethnic power configurations at the state's center. Drawing on a new data set on Ethnic Power Relations (EPR) that identifies all politically relevant ethnic groups and their access to central state power around the world from 1946 through 2005, the authors analyze outbreaks of armed conflict as the result of competing ethnonationalist claims to state power. The findings indicate that representatives of ethnic groups are more likely to initiate conflict with the government (1) the more excluded from state power they are, especially if they have recently lost power, (2) the higher their mobilizational capacity, and (3) the more they have experienced conflict in the past.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 308
Author(s):  
Edi Yanto ◽  
Imawanto Imawanto

This article discusses the issues related to frequent motorized vehicle accidents, causing losses to both motorists as the insured on Jasa Raharja insurance and to victims including the general public as the party when the loser is injured. Because most people or the insured do not understand their rights and obligations which are regulated in statutory regulations, including the form of legal protection provided by the State as a form of counter-achievement from the mandatory premium payment. This type of research uses normative legal research with a statutory approach. The results of the study, Forms of legal protection Legal protection for the insured due to motorized accidents in terms of positive law, that basically the State has been present in order to guarantee and provide legal protection for the public when a motorized accident occurs with an insurance program managed by State-Owned Enterprises (BUMN) through PT. Jasa Raharja. Indeed, this insurance program is slightly different from insurance in general where the program is compulsory insurance which is carried out based on several laws and regulations stipulated by the Government. The administration of social insurance is a state agency or an organization under the authority and supervision of the state. In this case the state has the position of being the guarantor and at the same time as the ruler and manager of funds. Because it is insurance, the amount of premium payment is determined by the government and the payment is made at the same time as the motor vehicle tax payment.Keywords: protection; covered; accident; motorized. ABSTRAKArtikel ini membahas persoalan terikait sering terjadinya kecelakaan kendaraan yang bermotor, sehingga menimbulkan kerugian baik bagi pengendara selaku tertanggung pada asuransi Jasa raharja maupun bagi korban termasuk masyarakat umum selaku pihak ketika dirugikan. Kebanyakan masyarakat atau tertanggung selama ini tidak mengerti tentang hak dan kewajibannya yang sudah diatur dalam peraturan perundang-undangan termasuk bentuk perlindungan hukum yang diberikan oleh Negara sebagai wujud kontraprestasi dari pembayaran premi yang sifatnya wajib. Jenis penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan. Hasil penelitian, bentuk perlindungan hukum Perlindungan hukum bagi tertanggung akibat kecelakaan bermotor ditinjau dari hukum positif, bahwa pada dasarnya Negara telah hadir dalam rangka menjamin dan memberikan perlindungan hukum bagi masyarakat ketika terjadi kecelakaan bermotor dengan program asuransi yang dikelolah oleh Badan Usaha milik Negara (BUMN) melalui PT. Jasa Raharja. Program asuransi ini sedikit berbeda dengan asuransi pada umumnya dimana programnya bersifat asuransi wajib yang dilakukan berdasarkan beberapa peraturan perundang-undangan yang ditetapkan oleh Pemerintah. Penyelenggaraan asuransi sosial oleh badan-badan negara atau suatu organisasi dibawah wewenang dan pengawasan negara. Dalam hal ini negara berkedudukan sebagai penanggung dan sekaligus sebagai penguasa dan pengelola dana. Karena sifatnya asuransi maka besarnya pembayaran premi ditentukan oleh pemerintah dan pembayarannya dilakukan pada saat bersamaan dengan pembayaran pajak kendaraan bermotor.


Author(s):  
Henrique Smidt Simon

Resumo: Cada vez mais o poder público limita direitos e aumenta a repressão, sem corrigir as falhas que levam ao conflito. Isso indica o uso do direito como garantidor de ordem, não de liberdade. O intento deste artigo é mostrar, discutindo as noções de estado e constituição, o conflito entre liberdade e ordem e como o direito serve para proteger a primeira. Assim, relaciona-se a legalidade no estado contemporâneo com a limitação do poder. Faz-se, então, a relação com a ideia de nação e a prevalência da vontade do estado. Após, trabalha-se o estado de exceção e como a ordem e a coerção estatal são postas acima dos direitos e garantias constitucionais. A prevalência da ordem sobre a proteção constitucional pode ser vista nas manifestações de junho de 2013; nos rolezinhos e na situação do presídio de Pedrinhas, exemplos da lógica do estado de exceção incorporada à vida política brasileira, o que responde à discussão teórica que os antecede. Ademais, o estado brasileiro aumenta seu poder de repressão com estratégias jurídicas que diminuem seus limites ou seu controle. O texto defende a necessidade de retomar as lógicas da legalidade e do constitucionalismo para combater a naturalização do estado de exceção. Abstract: Nowadays is getting usual for the government to limit rights and expand its capacity of repression without correcting the flaws that cause conflicts. This indicates the use of the law as a way to grant order, not liberty. The aim of this article is to show, discussing the ideas of state and constitution, the tension between liberty and order and how the law should work to protect the former. Thus, the contemporaneous state is related to legality, understood as a mean to limit the state power. Then, the concept of state of exception is presented and is shown as the state order and coercion overlap constitutional rights. This overlapping can be seen in the “June 2013” protests; in the flash mob situations and in the case of “Pedrinhas” Prison. Those are examples of the logic of the state of exception embodied to the Brazilian political life. Furthermore, Brazilian state increases its repression power by using legal strategies that decrease its means of being restrained. The text asserts the need to rethink legality and constitutionalism as a way to fight the naturalization of the state of exception.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Tri Mulyani

<p>Negara Indonesia adalah Negara hukum, artinya bahwa negara yang menempatkan hukum sebagai dasar kekuasaan negara dan penyelenggaraan kekuasaan tersebut dalam segala bentuknya dilakukan di bawah kekuasaan hukum. Sifat dari negara hukum hanya dapat ditunjukkan apabila alat-alat perlengkapan negara yaitu lembaga-lembaga negara bertindak menurut dan terikat kepada aturan-aturan yang telah ditetapkan. Lembaga Tinggi Negara yang dimaksud dalam penelitian ini adalah Lembaga Tinggi Negara yang nama, fungsi dan kewenanganya dibentuk berdasarkan Konstitusi atau Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 yaitu: Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, Mahkamah Agung, Mahkamah Konstitusi, dan Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan. Sehubungan dengan dasar pembentukan Lembaga Tinggi Negara adalah Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945, dan telah mengalami amandemen 4 kali maka struktur dan hubungan mereka dalam menjalakan tugas pemerintahan dari sebelum dan sesudah amandemen tentunya juga mengalami perubahan. Dengan pendekatan <em>yuridis normatif</em>, dan uraian yang diskriptif analisis, ditemukan jawaban bahwa struktur lembaga negara beserta hubungan diantara lembaga negara telah mengalami pergeseran setelah dilakukan amandemen. Pada dasarnya hubungan diantara lembaga negara tidak banyak mengalami perubahan. Namun perubahan itu justru tampak dalam struktur lembaga negaranya. Sebelum amandemen struktur lembaga negara terdiri dari MPR sebagai lembaga tertinggi, Presiden, DPR, DPA, BPK dan MA. Namun setelah dilakukan amandemen lembaga negara berkembang yaitu MPR, DPR, DPD, Presiden, MA, MK, dan BPK. Perbedaanya ada dipoint pengapusan istilah lembaga tertinggi, sehingga semua menjadi lembaga tinggi negara.</p><p> </p><p class="Default"><em>Indonesia is a country of law, meaning that the country as the law is the basis of state power and the implementation of the power in all its forms is done under the rule of law. The nature of the state law can only be shown if the scientific equipment is state state institutions and bound to act according to the rules that have been set. State Agency referred to in this research is the State Agency name, function and an arbitrary set up under the Constitution or the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945, namely: President and Vice-President, People's Consultative Assembly, the House of Representatives, Regional Representatives Council, The Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court, and the Supreme Audit Agency. In connection with establishing the State Agency is the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945, and has undergone amendments 4 times the structures and their relationship to run the task of the government before and after the amendment would also change. With normative juridical approach, and a description of the descriptive analysis, found the answer that the structure of state institutions as well as the relationship between the state institutions have experienced a shift after the amendment. Basically the relationship between the state institutions has not changed much. But it is precisely looked into the institutional structure of the country. Prior to the amendment of the structure of state institutions consist of the Assembly as the highest institution, President, Parliament, DPA, BPK and MA. However, after the amendment of the developing state institutions, namely the MPR, DPR, DPD, President, Supreme Court, Constitutional Court, and the CPC. No difference dipoint term elimination highest institution, so all became state institutions. </em></p><p class="Default"><em> </em></p>


2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Yanwar Pribadi

This article deals with the roles of kiai in Madura as both traditional and modern leaders. I will look at the principal ways in which kiai, who symbolize Islamic leadership, have characterized Islam and politics in Madura by arranging themselves in conflicts and accommodations within Madurese society. In doing so, I will portray two prominent Madurese kiai figures. I maintain that kiai in Madura are the main actors in state-society relations. They have become the social, cultural, economical, and political brokers in Madurese villages. Kiai with their pesantren and the Nahdlatul Ulama`s network have cautiously responded to state power by establishing multifaceted relations with the state; these are relationships that range from distancing themselves from the government to forming mutually beneficial relations with the state when the power of the state is too strong to oppose or when making alliance with the government is seen as a useful choice.


2006 ◽  
Vol 186 ◽  
pp. 314-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fayong Shi ◽  
Yongshun Cai

Collective action directed at the government is not rare in China, but why some actions endure and succeed whereas many others fail remains inadequately addressed. Based on a case of home owners' sustained collective resistance in Shanghai, this study finds that state power is fragmented at the local level. While the disparate priorities among different levels of state authorities provide opportunities for resistance, social networks between participants of collective action and officials or media workers may significantly help the former to achieve success.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 41-45
Author(s):  
Svetlana V. Lozovskaya ◽  

Legitimacy is the most important property of state power, and the lack of uniformity of the terminology in modern science used significantly complicates the study of this phenomenon. The article considers the concepts of “legitimacy of state power”, “grounds of legitimacy”, “mechanism of legitimization”, “means of legitimization”. On the basis of an analysis of the views existing in science, it is concluded that these concepts have different meaning. In addition, the author explores the importance of elections as a mechanism for legitimizing power and concludes that authoritarian regimes are unable to justify their own legitimacy by this means.


Author(s):  
Tomass Hodosevičs ◽  

The principle of separation of power as a principle of a democratic state, which is derived from the overriding principle of a state governed by the rule of law and falls within the scope of Article 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Latvia (Satversme), determines the separation of branches of state power. The need to respect the principle derives from considerations of respect for the freedom of individuals and is well established. There is no doubt that a distinction must be made between authorities belonging to different branches of power, however, a disagreement emerges as regards the categorical nature of the principle of overlapping. Legislation of the Republic of Latvia allows for the concurrent performance of the positions of a member of the parliament and the government, which means that the state official acts simultaneously in the legislative and executive powers. Respective practices can lead to risks such as conflicts of interest and misuse of power.


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