Kiai in Madura

2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Yanwar Pribadi
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Islam And Politics ◽  
The Social ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
The Government ◽  
Islamic Leadership

This article deals with the roles of kiai in Madura as both traditional and modern leaders. I will look at the principal ways in which kiai, who symbolize Islamic leadership, have characterized Islam and politics in Madura by arranging themselves in conflicts and accommodations within Madurese society. In doing so, I will portray two prominent Madurese kiai figures. I maintain that kiai in Madura are the main actors in state-society relations. They have become the social, cultural, economical, and political brokers in Madurese villages. Kiai with their pesantren and the Nahdlatul Ulama`s network have cautiously responded to state power by establishing multifaceted relations with the state; these are relationships that range from distancing themselves from the government to forming mutually beneficial relations with the state when the power of the state is too strong to oppose or when making alliance with the government is seen as a useful choice.

Kiai in Madura

2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Yanwar Pribadi
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Islam And Politics ◽  
The Social ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
The Government ◽  
Islamic Leadership

This article deals with the roles of kiai in Madura as both traditional and modern leaders. I will look at the principal ways in which kiai, who symbolize Islamic leadership, have characterized Islam and politics in Madura by arranging themselves in conflicts and accommodations within Madurese society. In doing so, I will portray two prominent Madurese kiai figures. I maintain that kiai in Madura are the main actors in state-society relations. They have become the social, cultural, economical, and political brokers in Madurese villages. Kiai with their pesantren and the Nahdlatul Ulama`s network have cautiously responded to state power by establishing multifaceted relations with the state; these are relationships that range from distancing themselves from the government to forming mutually beneficial relations with the state when the power of the state is too strong to oppose or when making alliance with the government is seen as a useful choice.

Les chefs de cabinets ministériels au Québec: la transition du gouvernement libéral au gouvernement péquiste (1976–1977)

1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Micheline Plasse
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
The State ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
The Social ◽  
Economic Forces ◽  
The Government

This article first presents a brief survey of the role and functions filled by the personal aide (chef de cabinet) of a minister in Quebec. The analysis continues, in a comparative perspective, by tracing a sociological and professional portrait of the Liberal“chefs de cabinet” in April 1976 and their successors in the pequiste government in July 1977.We then test the hypothesis that the cleavage between the government and the dominant economic forces has increased since November 15, 1976 as a result of the ideology articulated by the“chefs de cabinet” regarding the social and economic aims of the state. This hypothesis was confirmed.The hypothesis that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” exercise a more pronounced influence on the decision-making process is also confirmed. Nevertheless, one cannot argue that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” usurped the power of the legislators; their influence is more political than technocratic. The growing influence of the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” neverthelsss helps to accentuate the tensions and conflicts between the higher civil service and the ministerial aides.

scholarly journals GEOGRAFIA POLÍTICA E O SETOR MINERAL: as proposições legislativas que impactam a gestão dos territórios com mineração no estado do Pará – 2011 a 2016

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (12) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Luana Faria Medeiros
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Conflicts Of Interests ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
Mineral Sector ◽  
The Social ◽  
Politica Publica ◽  
Toma De Decisiones ◽  
The Government

POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND THE MINERAL SECTOR: the legislative propositions that impact the management of the territories with mining in the state of Pará – 2011 to 2016GEOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA Y EL SECTOR MINERO: las proposiciones legislativas que impactan la gestión de los territorios con la minería en el estado de Pará – 2011 a 2016O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de resgatar o campo da política na Geografia, no contexto da atividade mineral no estado do Pará, principalmente diante de vários entendimentos de que os conflitos de interesses nas sociedades e nos territórios se resolvem também pelo viés político; partindo de uma leitura teórica do conceito de território, poder e política, onde essa tríade será determinante para o entendimento das proposições legislativas dos anos de 2011 a 2016 voltadas para a mineração, e da análise da gestão política e territorial no setor mineral paraense e seus impactos na sociedade a partir das políticas públicas. A relevância da pesquisa está no aspecto político que envolve a tomada de decisão que é essencialmente importante nas relações sociais de poder do Governo do Estado do Pará que, materializadas, causam impactos no território com mineração, sobretudo na utilização da taxa mineral, instrumento regulador de ação no território.Palavras-chave: Território; Poder; Política; Mineração.ABSTRACTThe present work aims to redeem the field of politics in geography, in the context of the mineral activity in the state of Pará, mainly faced with various understanding that conflicts of interests in societies and territories also resolve by bias Political; Starting from a theoretical reading of the concept of territory, power and politics, where this triad will be decisive for the understanding of the legislative propositions of the years of 2011 to 2016 focused on mining, and the analysis of the political and territorial management in the mineral sector Pará and Its impacts on society from public Policy. The relevance of the research is in the political aspect which involves the decision making which is essentially important in the social relations of the Government of the state of Pará that, materialized, cause impacts on the territory with mining, especially in the use of the mineral rate, Action-regulating instrument in the territory.Keywords: Territory; Power; Policy; Mining.RESUMEN El presente trabajo pretende redimir el campo de la política en geografía, en el contexto de la actividad minera en el estado de Pará, frente principalmente a diversos entendimientos de que los conflictos de intereses en sociedades y territorios también se resuelven por sesgo Política. A partir de una lectura teórica del concepto de territorio, poder y política, donde esta tríada será decisiva para la comprensión de las proposiciones legislativas de los años de 2011 a 2016 se centró en la minería, y el análisis de la gestión política y territorial en el sector minero de Pará y Sus impactos en la sociedad de la política pública. La relevancia de la investigación está en el aspecto político que implica la toma de decisiones que es esencialmente importante en las relaciones sociales del gobierno del estado de Pará que, materializadas, causan impactos en el territorio con la minería, especialmente en el uso de la tasa mineral, Instrumento de regulación de la acción en el territorio.Palabras clave: Territorio; Poder; Política; Minería.

scholarly journals NEGARA DAN KEPEMIMPINAN DALAM PEMIKIRAN ALFARABI

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 283
Author(s):  
Imam Sukardi
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
The State ◽  
Human Organism ◽  
Ideal State ◽  
Political Concept ◽  
The Social ◽  
Original Works ◽  
Universal Values ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Ideal

The political concept of Alfarabi is derivated from the concept of Platonic, Aristotelian, and Islam. The ideal state is the state which is elaborated the universal values of humanism, not just limited to certain ethnic and nation which is emphasizing its obedience just to God, not the something else. In this paper, the writer tried to interpret the original works of Alfarabi which is directly related to his political thought and the other thinkers who are studying his political thought. In his political thought, Alfarabi emphasized that the main purpose of the state is to make the social-welfare for its citizens. Based on the organic theory, Alfarabi stated that the government of the state is just look-like the human organism system. In which, each of the existing element functioned to strengthen each other to achieve one goal. The ideal state for Alfarabi is the state which is having the goals for its citizen welfare, and who become the prime leader is a philosopher, who is having the prophetic character, having the wider knowledge, and able to communicate with al 'aql al fa’al trough al ‘aql mustafad. 

Revisiting Bolivian “Progressivism”: The Anticommunalism of the Plurinational State

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 148-162
Author(s):  
Huáscar Salazar Lohman
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
The Social

As the Bolivian government adopts increasingly conservative and authoritarian features, a policy meant to boost capitalist extractivism is becoming increasingly evident. This should be understood not as the end of a “progressive” government but as the consolidation of a new structure of state power sustained by an anticommunal stance that has involved a redefinition of the government’s alliance with the ruling classes and the systematic dismantling of the social forces that are now struggling to reappropriate political prerogatives in arenas of political organization unrelated to the state. A medida que el gobierno boliviano adopta características cada vez más conservadoras y autoritarias, se ha hecho cada vez más evidente una política destinada a impulsar el extractivismo capitalista. Esto no debe entenderse como el fin de un gobierno “progresista”, sino como la consolidación de una nueva estructura de poder estatal sostenida en una postura anticomunitaria que implica una redefinición de la alianza entre el gobierno y las clases dominantes, así como el desmantelamiento sistemático de las fuerzas sociales que ahora luchan por la reapropiación de prerrogativas políticas desde ámbitos no estatales de organización política.

Political Opportunity Structure, Contentious Social Movements, and State-Based Organizations: The Fight against Solidarity inside the Polish United Workers Party

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 359-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack M. Bloom
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
The State ◽  
Reform Movement ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

Studies of social movements have often focused on the role of the state vis-à-vis social movements—in recent times using the concept of political opportunity structure to understand the options available to social movements. This article examines the internal conflicts within the ruling party in Communist Poland to show that a reciprocal process proceeded, in which both the social movement and the state found the choices of action available to them limited by the other, rather than just the social movement. The social upheaval that impacted the entire country brought about the rise of a reform movement within the ruling Polish United Workers Party, which prevented the government from acting as it preferred for a significant period of time. That reform movement, which would not have existed without Solidarity and certainly would not have brought about intraparty changes by itself, saw itself as connected to and dependent upon Solidarity. Party conservatives had to respond to and overcome the reformers before they could turn their full attention to ending the challenge Solidarity presented to the Communist system. In effect, for a time, Solidarity limited the political opportunity structure of the state, while the reverse was also true. While social movement scholars have long considered the possibilities and the limits on possibilities available to social movements because of the state or other external circumstances, this experience demonstrates that similar considerations must sometimes be contemplated with respect to the state.

scholarly journals Kisruh Regulasi Tenaga Kerja Asing Sebagai Kegagalan Komunikasi Publik Pemerintah

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Indrianti Azhar Firdausi ◽  
Fuqoha Fuqoha
Keyword(s):  
Government Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
Foreign Workers ◽  
Legal Certainty ◽  
Employment Opportunities ◽  
Good Communication ◽  
The Social ◽  
Pros And Cons ◽  
The Government ◽  
Social Upheaval

The development of information technology should be maximized by the government in establishing communication and information about policies taken by the government. Thus, good communication will be held in order to achieve the goals of the State without the social upheaval that arises in the community due to policies set by the government. One of the failures of government public communication is the government's failure to explain and socialize the Presidential Regulation Number 20 of 2018 concerning the Use of Foreign Workers who get responses to the pros and cons of all parties, both from the general public and from government opposition. The communication failure gave birth to multi-interpretation from various circles of society and government. Every government regulation or legal policy has functions and objectives in order to achieve the goals of the State. Conception The rule of law guarantees legal certainty, legal benefits and legal justice. The regulation on the use of foreign workers is one form of legal certainty in order to protect opportunities and employment opportunities for citizens of their own country. However, communication failures built by the government resulted in multi-interpretation of policies that were considered to provide convenience for foreign workers and complicate Indonesian employment opportunities.

scholarly journals Kayseri’de Sosyal Sigortalar Kurumu (SSK) Tarafından Üretilen Konut Kooperatiflerinin Nicel Gelişimi (1950-1980) / Quantitative Development of Housing Cooperatives Produced by Social Insurance Institution in Kayseri (1950-1980)

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 696
Author(s):  
Beyza Onur ◽  
Burcu Ceylan Duggan
Keyword(s):  
Social Insurance ◽  
Housing Stock ◽  
Spatial Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Insurance Institution ◽  
Housing Cooperatives ◽  
The Social ◽  
Quantitative Development ◽  
The Government ◽  
The City

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>In the post-republic period in Turkey, due to the increase in the rate of industrialization and urbanization, the need for housing in the cities has come to the agenda. In this period, the incentives and investments provided by the state played an important role in eliminating this need by providing the production of housing cooperatives. Between the years of 1950-1980 in Kayseri; the period of industrialization in the city has accelerated and the population of the city has increased. Therefore, the housing need that emerged in Kayseri in this process has been tried to be solved through the state cooperatives produced by the state. In this context, this study aimed to document the housing cooperatives produced by the Social Insurance Institution between 1950-1980 in Kayseri and to examine the quantitative development of the cooperatives. Kayseri Kocasinan Municipality and Kayseri Melikgazi Municipality archives were scanned to make this examination. As a result of the findings, it has been determined that the government has long been involved in the production of housing cooperatives within the economic plans and that the housing cooperatives have increased in quantity and Kayseri has contributed to the spatial development of the city by adding to the housing stock. In addition, in this study, researching housing cooperatives in Kayseri's architectural environment; it is thought that it will help to introduce the politics of generating housing in Turkey.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Türkiye’de Cumhuriyet sonrası dönemde, sanayileşme ve kentleşme hızının artmasına bağlı olarak kentlerde konut ihtiyacı gündeme gelmiştir. Bu dönemde devlet tarafından sağlanan teşvik ve yatırımlar, konut kooperatiflerinin üretilmesini sağlayarak bu ihtiyacın giderilmesinde önemli rol oynamıştır. Çalışmanın kapsamı olan Kayseri’de 1950-1980 yılları arası; kentte sanayileşme sürecinin hızlandığı ve kentli nüfusun arttığı dönem olmuştur. Bu nedenle bu süreçte Kayseri’de ortaya çıkan konut ihtiyacı, devlet eli ile üretilen konut kooperatifleri üzerinden giderilmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu bağlamda bu çalışma, Kayseri’de 1950-1980 yılları arasında Sosyal Sigortalar Kurumu (SSK) tarafından üretilen konut kooperatiflerini belgelemeyi ve kooperatiflerin nicel gelişimini incelemeyi amaçlamıştır. Bu incelemeyi yapabilmek için Kayseri Kocasinan Belediyesi ve Kayseri Melikgazi Belediyesi arşivleri taranmıştır. Elde edilen bulgular sonucunda, devletin ekonomik planları dâhilinde konut kooperatifi üretimine uzun süre yer verildiği ve bu sayede konut kooperatiflerinin nicel olarak arttığı ve Kayseri’nin konut stokuna önemli oranda eklenerek kentin mekânsal gelişimine katkıda bulunduğu saptanmıştır. Ayrıca bu çalışmada Kayseri’nin mimarlık ortamındaki konut kooperatiflerini araştırmanın; Türkiye’de bir döneme ait konut üretme politikasının tanıtılmasına yardımcı olacağı düşünülmektedir.</p>

scholarly journals Coalition-Based Gender Lobbying: Revisiting Women's Substantive Representation in China's Authoritarian Governance

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
Xinhui Jiang ◽  
Yunyun Zhou
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
The State ◽  
State Agency ◽  
Substantive Representation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Agents ◽  
Interaction Approach

Abstract While research on women's substantive representation in legislatures has proliferated, our knowledge of gender lobbying mechanisms in authoritarian regimes remains limited. Adopting a state-society interaction approach, this article addresses how women's interests are substantively represented in China despite the absence of an electoral mandate and the omnipresence of state power. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, this article maps out the intertwining of key political agents and institutions within and outside the state that mobilize for women's grievances and demands. We find that representation of women's interests in China requires the emergence of a unified societal demand followed by a coalition of state agency allies navigating within legislative, executive, and Party-affiliated institutional bodies. The pursuit of women's interests is also politically bounded and faces strong repression if the lobbying lacks state alliances or the targeted issue is considered “politically sensitive” by the government.

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