scholarly journals Judicial Self-Government and Judicial Independence: the Political Capture of the General Council of the Judiciary in Spain

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (7) ◽  
pp. 1769-1800 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aida Torres Pérez
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Independence ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
General Council ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThe General Council of the Judiciary is the main institution of judicial self-government in Spain. It was established to ensure the external independence of the judiciary, and in particular the independence of the judiciary vis-à-vis the executive branch of government. To what extent does the Judicial Council manage to fulfill its goal? First, the evolution of the Judicial Council will be presented in order to understand the principal reforms and reasons behind its creation. Next, the impact of the Judicial Council upon judicial independence, as well as accountability, transparency, and public confidence will be critically examined in order to assess its contribution to judicial legitimacy. In the end, it will be argued that the politicization of the Judicial Council has hindered it from protecting judicial independence from partisan interests, and has contributed to undermining public confidence in the judiciary.

scholarly journals Nuevos enfoques de la independencia judicial. Dos puntas de iceberg en la reforma de la Ley Orgánica del Poder Judicial: la comisión permanente del CGPJ y el gabinete técnico del Tribunal Supremo

2016 ◽  
pp. 375
Author(s):  
Rosa María Fernández Riveira
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
The Other ◽  
General Council ◽  
The Political ◽  
Permanent Commission ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Made In

Este trabajo estudia dos reformas concretas de la Ley orgánica del Poder Judicial que se producen en octubre de 2015: la Comisión Permanente, como órgano del Consejo que ve incrementado su número de vocales, sus competencias y que situado bajo la dirección del Presidente del Consejo ha ido creciendo en relevancia; y el Gabinete Técnico del Tribunal Supremo, que se regula también como órgano al servicio del Tribunal pero bajo la obediencia y dirección del Presidente. Un órgano que asume unas competencias muy importantes en un momento en el que se reforma la vieja casación pasando a ser un recurso determinado por el «interés casacional objetivo». Estos dos cambios, como puntas de iceberg, son el aviso de nuevos enfoques sobre planteamientos clásicos acerca de la independencia judicial tales como: las relaciones existentes entre el Consejo General del Poder judicial y el Tribunal Supremo, la presencia del elemento político en el corazón de la independencia judicial, la enorme relevancia de un proceso de selección de nuestros jueces justo, plural y confiable y la necesidad de articular mecanismos de responsabilidad judicial institucional e individual.This paper analyses two reforms about Organic Law of Judiciary which have been made in October 2015: the Permanent Commission as part of Council body that it has seen increasing its competences and it works under careful supervision of the President of the General Council of the Judiciary. It has suffered an augmentation of members on its composition and it has got more relevance as important voice in the General Council and, on the other hand, the Technical office of the Supreme Court, which has been redesigned with new competences working under Instructions of President. And all these changes are been implemented at the same time that it has been adopted the new cassation appeal. Both reforms as iceberg’s tips are performing important reflections about classical principles for example: different manners to understand the judicial independence, the political element within judicial independence, the relevance of appointment judicial processes and of course the accountability discourse as essential part within the judicial independence.

scholarly journals COVID-19 AND POLITICAL PROCESS IN ITALY IN 2021

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 112-121
Author(s):  
Elena Alekseenkova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Development Model ◽  
Economic Recovery ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Second Year ◽  
The Impact

The paper examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the political process in Italy in 2021. The author analyzes the change of government in February 2021 and the country’s economic recovery and resilience plan, as well as changes in the party-political landscape that occurred in the second year of the pandemic. The study showed that there is an increase in the factors of personalization of power and the strengthening of the executive branch and stagnation of the party landscape in the absence of a clear leader among political forces. The center-right and center-left coalitions are comparable in terms of citizens’ support, but at the same time the level of frustration is growing, reflecting the dissatisfaction of citizens with any of the parties. We can say that there is a certain feeling of the lack of alternative to the proposed development model and the absence of the very request for an alternative. Against this background, the ideas of sovranism so popular recently, it seems, no longer have any prospects.

Part III The Relationship Between the Judiciary and the Political Branches, 12 Judicial–Executive Relations in Kenya Post-2010: The Emergence of Judicial Supremacy?

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ochieng Walter Khobe
Keyword(s):  
Executive Control ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
High Court ◽  
Judicial Supremacy ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
General Concern

This chapter examines the relationship between the judicial and the executive branch in Kenya. Kenya has long seen a deferent, politically controlled judiciary. The 2010 constitution, however, takes a number of steps to safeguard judicial independence, in line with the general concern to limit executive power. The 2010 reforms include the creation of a Judicial Services Commission that aims to end the previous presidential control of appointments and the insulation of judicial funding from executive control. Several aspects of the new appointment procedures have already been defended in decisions of the High Court. The chapter considers recent cases which demonstrate how ‘the Courts have reformed to the extent of boldly questioning executive decisions’. These cases also show executive compliance, although it has sometimes been slow to comply with decisions that go against it and several prominent political leaders, including the president, have criticized the courts for ‘activism’.

scholarly journals The Rise and Fall of Judicial Self-Government in Poland: On Judicial Reform Reversing Democratic Transition

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (7) ◽  
pp. 1839-1870 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Śledzińska-Simon
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Judicial Reform ◽  
National Council ◽  
Court Administration ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThis article argues that the establishment of the National Council of the Judiciary in 1989 and the empowerment of the general assemblies of court judges gave rise to the idea of judicial self-government in Poland. This very idea of self-government, implying that judges hold important decision-making or veto powers on matters concerning the judiciary, was regarded as a precondition of the separation of powers and judicial independence, neither of which existed under Communist rule. However, the package of laws introduced in 2017 marks the end of judicial self-government as we know it. Not only did it undermine the independence of the National Council of the Judiciary by altering the mode of electing its judicial members, but it also concentrated the power over the judiciary in the hands of the executive branch, allowing for, inter alia, the exchange of key positions in court administration and the reconfiguration of the Supreme Court. This article examines the impact of this “reform” on such values as independence, accountability, and transparency. Investigating the role of judicial self-government in ensuring the principle of separation of powers and democracy, the article concludes with an assessment of the early consequences of the introduced changes for the Polish judiciary.

scholarly journals Sobre el nombramiento del Presidente y de los vocales del Consejo General del Poder Judicial. Una reflexión desde el sentido común

2019 ◽  
pp. 209
Author(s):  
Juan Luis Gómez Colomer
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
Judicial Power ◽  
General Council ◽  
Political Control ◽  
The Political ◽  
Perfect System ◽  
High Courts ◽  
El Sistema

La independencia judicial es un principio subjetivo clave del poder judicial democrático. La ciudadanía espera, ante todo, que quien detenta el poder del estado para resolver su conflicto sea ajeno a él, objetivo e imparcial. Un peligro acecha cuando el sistema de nombramiento de los jueces, al menos de los más importantes (los llamados altos tribunales), depende directamente del poder político y no se deja al propio poder judicial, o dependiendo sólo del poder judicial, la composición de la correspondiente comisión está influida claramente por el poder político. No hay un sistema de nombramiento de los altos jueces perfecto, el español tampoco lo es por el control político del Consejo General del Poder Judicial. Se analizan aquí las causas, los efectos y las posibilidades de mejora, para garantizar mejor la independencia judicial.Judicial independence is a key subjective principle of the democratic judiciary. Citizens expect, first and foremost, that whoever holds the State’s power to resolve their conflict is unrelated to it, objective and impartial. Danger lurks when the system of appointment of judges, at least of the most important ones (the so-called high courts), depends directly on the political power and is not left to the judicial power itself, or depending only on the judiciary, the composition of the corresponding commission is clearly influenced by the political power. There is no perfect system for appointing high judges, nor is the Spanish system due to the political control of the General Council of the Judiciary. The causes, effects and possibilities of improvement are analysed in this paper, in order to better guarantee judicial independence.

Impak Kerjasama Politik Umno-Pas Terhadap Perkembangan Islam Di Malaysia Dari Tahun 1973 Hingga 1978

Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub ◽  
Osman Md Rasip
Keyword(s):  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Historical Research ◽  
Radio Station ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
Islamic Religion ◽  
Political Approach ◽  
The Impact

This article discusses impact of UMNO-PAS political cooperation towards Islamic development in Malaysia from 1973 until 1978. The success of political cooperation in 1973 was the result of both UMNO’s leader, Tun Abdul Razak and PAS’s leader, Asri Muda willingness to explore a new political approach compared to what was being practiced at that time. Both leaders then started the development of a government known as the ‘Cooperation Government’ with the combination of UMNO and PAS in 1973 and later on, the development of the National Front’s (BN) Coalition Government in 1974. The Islamic religion benefits the most from the development of the Coalition Government which is a favourable gain for the Malays in Malaysia. Henceforth, this article will discuss in detail on the impact of the political cooperation between UMNO and PAS within the cooperation period. The methods used for this research is by interview and also by referring to secondary sources which are analyzed in a historical descriptive manner that is normally practiced in historical research. At the end of this research it is established that there are profound impacts to the Islamic religion within the UMNO-PAS cooperation period within 1973 to 1978 for example, the television and radio station beginning starting their programmes with the recitation from Quranic verses, the promulgation of ‘Adhan, alcohols are no longer served in official government’s function, lottery companies are not allowed to promote and announce the lottery results in official government’s media, the establishment of Islamic institution, the strengthening of Islamic education and the appropriate change in the relevant ministry’s symbols. This article can be utilized by subsequent researchers who wish to study the impact of political cooperation between UMNO and PAS. Keywords: political cooperation, UMNO-PAS, cooperation government ABTRAK:Makalah ini membincangkan mengenai impak kerjasama politik UMNO-PAS terhadap perkembangan Islam di Malaysia dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Kerjasama politik yang berjaya dibentuk bermula pada tahun 1973 adalah hasil daripada kesediaan Tun Abdul Razak dengan Mohd Asri Muda yang menerajui UMNO dan PAS pada ketika itu mencetuskan perubahan corak berpolitik yang berbeza berbanding sebelumnya. Maka, kedua-dua pemimpin ini kemudiannya merintis pembentukan sebuah kerajaan yang menggabungkan UMNO dengan PAS menerusi Kerajaan Campuran pada tahun 1973 dan Kerajaan Gabungan Barisan Nasional (BN) pada tahun 1974. Hasil daripada kejayaan penubuhan kedua-dua kerajaan ini, perkembangan Islam di negara ini bertambah pesat dan dapat dimanfaatkan oleh keseluruhan orang Melayu di Malaysia. Justeru, artikel ini membincangkan secara terperinci impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dalam tempoh kerjasama politik berkenaan. Penyelidikan ini menggunapakai kaedah temubual dan menyorot sejumlah sumber sekunder yang kemudiannya dianalisis secara deskriptif sejarah (historical descriptive analysis) yang lazimnya dipraktikkan dalam kajian sejarah. Hasil kajian ini mendapati terdapat impak-impak jelas terhadap perkembangan Islam di negara ini sepanjang tempoh kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Antara impak-impak tersebut ialah permulaan siaran televisyen dan radio dengan bacaan ayat-ayat suci Al-Quran, mengumandangkan suara azan, penghapusan arak dalam majlis-majlis kerajaan, penghapusan promosi dan keputusan judi di media kerajaan, penubuhan institusi Islam, pemerkasaan pendidikan Islam dan penukaran simbol institisu kerajaan. Akhirnya, artikel ini dapat dimanfaatkan oleh penyelidik-penyelidik berikutnya untuk menilai impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS.Kata kunci: kerjasama politik, UMNO-PAS, kerajaan campuran

Senate Electoral Responsiveness under Indirect and Direct Election

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy J. Schiller ◽  
Charles Stewart
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Counterfactual Analysis ◽  
Senate Elections ◽  
Seventeenth Amendment ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
Widespread Belief ◽  
Direct Elections ◽  
The Impact

This chapter integrates findings on indirect elections with current scholarship on the impact of the adoption of the Seventeenth Amendment and onset of direct elections. It constructs a comprehensive counterfactual analysis that helps demonstrate what the political outcomes would have been with direct elections in place since the founding, and in contrast, what Senate elections would look like after 1913 if indirect elections were still in place. It also addresses the question of whether U.S. senators represented states as units and responded to state governmental concerns more under the indirect system than they do under direct elections. It argues that indirect election had little impact on the Senate's overall partisan composition prior to 1913. Contrary to widespread belief, had direct election been in effect during the years immediately preceding the Seventeenth Amendment's passage, Republicans, not Democrats, would have benefited.

Referendum konstytucyjne we Włoszech. Jak głosowanie ludowe wpływa na system polityczny państwa?

2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.

The Famous Forty and Their Companions: North Yemen's First-Generation Modernists and Educational Emigrants

2005 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert D. Burrowes
Keyword(s):  
First Generation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Major Conclusion ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
Cultural System ◽  
The Impact

This article is a study of the several hundred North Yemenis who went out from isolated Yemen for education between 1947 and 1959. It focuses on their backgrounds, what and where they studied, the impact on them of this experience, what they did when they returned and, finally, the impact they have had on the Yemen most hoped to change. The major conclusion is that their impact has been modest and that this is best explained by Yemen's socio-cultural system and the political structure it supports.

Here there Be Tygers: Profit, Non-profit, and Loss in the Age of Disintermediation

1997 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Jensen
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Scholarly Publishing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Quality Information ◽  
High Quality ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
High Quality Information ◽  
Europe De L’Est ◽  
The Impact

Abstract: Scholarly publishing and access to high-quality information may in fact be threatened, rather than improved, by the revolution in communications, particularly in a fully commercial Internet. The effects of the political revolution in Eastern Europe on scholarship and quality publishing are used as a touchstone of the dangers that occur when naïve revolutionaries make swift changes without fully recognizing the impact upon delicately balanced social institutions such as non-profit organizations. Résumé: La révolution en communications, particulièrement en ce qui regarde un Internet commercialisé, plutôt que d'améliorer l'édition savante et l'accès à de l'information de haute qualité, pourrait en fait poser une menace pour ceux-ci. Cet article examine comment la révolution politique en Europe de l'Est a influé sur la recherche et l'édition de qualité. Il utilise cet exemple pour examiner les dangers que peuvent courir certains révolutionnaires naïfs quand ils instaurent des changements rapides san songer à leur impact sur des institutions sociales à équilibre délicat comme les organisations à but non lucratif.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document