International Norms and Civil Society: New Influences on Japanese Security Policy

Author(s):  
Keiko Hirata
2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-556 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodora-Ismene Gizelis ◽  
Jonathan Joseph

Civil society organizations and grassroots groups are often unable to play an active role in post-conflict reconstruction and peacebuilding. A possible explanation for the observed challenges in peacebuilding is the gap or decoupling between international expectations and norms from practical action, local norms and capacities. External actors are often overly instrumental and operate according to a general template that fails to start from what the local capacities might actually be. This often leads to the decoupling of general values from practical action, which helps account for the observed barriers of engaging local civil and community organizations in reconstruction. We examine the different types of decoupling and the challenges these present. We evaluate our general theoretical argument using evidence based on the experiences of Liberian women’s civil society organizations. Given the compliance of the Liberian government with international norms, we should expect external actors to have an easier task in incorporating civil society and women’s organizations in the post-conflict reconstruction process; yet, the record appears to be the opposite. While we present the ‘tragic’ aspect of this relationship between international norms and local practice, we also suggest opportunities for ‘hybrid’ alternatives.


2009 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Donais

This paper explores the dynamics of security sector reform (SSR), a term used to refer to efforts made to reform the security structures of states emerging from conflict or authoritarianism. While "local ownership" is increasingly viewed as a necessary element of any sustainable SSR strategy, there remains a significant gap between international policy and practice in this area. In practice, the SSR agenda continues to be driven largely by international actors, with minimal input, let alone ownership, on the part of either governments or civil society within reforming states. Indeed, the notion of local ownership has come to serve as much as a disciplining mechanism as a tool to overcome exclusion in the making and execution of security policy, and the effectiveness and sustainability of SSR programming have suffered as a result. In light of this, the paper will explore both the potential for, and the limits of, rehabilitating the notion of local ownership to enable more participatory forms of SSR, and argues that any practical local ownership strategy requires a dual policy of negotiating with state actors and engaging with non-state actors.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1Sup1) ◽  
pp. 335-345
Author(s):  
Vasyl Marchuk ◽  
Liudmyla Pavlova ◽  
Hanna Ahafonova ◽  
Sergiy Vonsovych ◽  
Anna Simonian

The modern world space, which is affected by the post-pandemic consequences, is noted by the globalization of society, the increasing role of citizenship in making important state and international decisions has become possible in the context of the information revolution and has its own characteristics of communication in information and communication networks. The importance and need for a thorough study of the chosen topic is that the widespread use of various forms and methods of civil communication, free access of citizens to information at all stages of decision-making and the functioning of central and local governments, the participation of civil society institutions in the work of expert, consultative, and advisory public councils on the expression and protection of the rights and freedoms of citizens, public control, direct electronic receipt of public services, etc. are important factors in the democratization of government in post-pandemic modern times. After all, we are talking about a deliberate orientation to new values - the person and the collective, their direct participation in the democratic organization of life of the state and society. The main thing in this context is that the rational consensus of civil society and the state is a factor in universal social discourse and a strategic resource for democratic development in the context of post-pandemic modernity. The aim of the article is to consider the epistemological and sociocultural aspects of the functioning of the communication capabilities of civil society institutions in the context of revealing the possibility and significance of their involvement in the processes of implementing state security policy.


1998 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 613-644 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Price

The rise in the importance of nonstate actors in generating new norms in world politics has been documented by scholars, but the literature has focused predominantly on nonsecurity (“new”) issue areas. Conversely, although recent constructivist work in international relations has examined the security policies of states, typically it is the state that is doing the constructing of interests. I bridge these two literatures by examining the hard case of transnational civil society working through issue networks to teach state interests in security policy. I analyze the campaign by transnational civil society to generate an international norm prohibiting antipersonnel land mines and trace the effects of several techniques through which states can be said to be socialized. Through generating issues, networking, “grafting,” and using a transnational Socratic method to reverse burdens of proof, the campaign has stimulated systemic normative change through two processes: norm adoption through the conversion of persuaded moral entrepreneurs and emulation resulting from social pressures of identity.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 514-535
Author(s):  
YOUNG SOO KIM ◽  
JOONGBUM SHIN

AbstractThe US and Japan, despite their shared reputation as leading donors for international development, remarkably varied in their foreign aid policy for HIV/AIDS in the 1980s and 1990s. Unlike the US, who initiated and increased global AIDS funding dramatically, Japan was lukewarm in its contributions. I claim that the distinctive pattern depends on how the pandemic was domestically framed and understood. The policy commitment was more likely when the internationally shared idea (international norms) of threats requiring immediate international cooperation was congruent with the domestic perception of the epidemic. The research undertakes a comparative examination of the determinants of the distinctive domestic perceptions of the two cases, including the number of individuals infected with HIV, the attitude and role of the media, and the civil society organizations dealing with HIV/AIDS. They played significant roles as intervening variables that conditioned domestic diffusion or internalization of the international norms for foreign aid policy development. The US had a favorable domestic condition based upon the relatively large number of those infected with HIV, a media that adopted a constructive approach, and active civil society organizations associated with the disease. In contrast, in Japan the number of HIV cases was lower, the media had a distorted view of the epidemic, and civil society organizations were not strong enough to offer much support until the early 1990s.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-96
Author(s):  
Eden Gunawan ◽  
Soesilo Zauhar ◽  
Sarwono Sarwono ◽  
Santoso Bambang

Purpose This study aims to formulate the implementation model of Ship and Port Facility Security Policy based on ISPS Code in PT Pelindo II (Cirebon Branch). Design/methodology/approach The location of the study was the port area of PT Pelindo II (Cirebon Branch). It was because the controlling policy became the duties and responsibilities of each region in which it was the responsibility of PT Pelindo II (Cirebon Branch). However, because of the problem of controlling, it became a common responsibility that could be divided into other institutions such as Navy, Police, Kodim, Satpol PP and leadership apparatus ranging from local to central authorities. Data collection in this study was done by some methods, namely: interview and direct observation. This was done to provide a real and detailed picture of the implementation of Ship and Port Facility Security that is based on ISPS Code to discipline gerandong in PT Pelindo II (Cirebon Branch). The researcher conducted the data collection activity by compiling the document on the field. Findings Ship and Port Facility Security Policy of ISPS Code throughout Indonesia, including PT Pelindo II (Cirebon Branch), has been enacted by Ministry of Transportation since 2004 by the Decree of Minister of Transportation Number 33/2003 on the application of Amendment of SOLAS 1974 on the Ship and Port Facility Security in Indonesian territory (ISPS Code) in top-down way for good port governance that is free from any safety, health and security threats, especially gerandong because of which the implementation of ISPS Code is not working properly. The Ship and Port Facility Security Policy that is based on ISPS Code is a mandate of UN convention and the mandate of the law and order of the Minister of Transportation to conduct the port security, especially in securing the ship and port facility based on ISPS Code so that Cirebon Branch will be a world-class port. The implementation process of ship and port facility security that is based on ISPS Code in PT Pelindo II (Cirebon Branch) does not run optimally, especially in disciplining gerandong because of the lack of the socialization that was done to the target community groups and related makeshift. Originality/value From the results of analysis of several journals that became a reference for this study, there are at least three problems that need special attention, namely, general implementation problems (especially in developing countries), implementations that do not work because of leadership and implementation that cannot run if there is no benchmarking. The researcher is interested in analyzing the problem that has lasted almost for 10 years and has never been resolved until now. Many of the problems behind the phenomenon of gerandong occurred because of the interaction of government (civil society), civil society, Community Empowerment Institutions (LSM), Market (PT Pelindo) and certain community groups as well as the involvement of the apparatus. The most important of all that has been explained above is that in accordance with the feasibility of study (FS), the environmental impacts of the Development Main Plan (RIP) of Cirebon Port and its social impact analysis on the community has not been discussed. Therefore, the FS is expected to be complete and to become plenary and be more feasible to be accepted with this gerandong study.


1998 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-411 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractAn examination of EU constitutional negotiations allows for the identification of influences behind specific outcomes. A close inspection of particular issues demonstrates the necessity to revise purely realistic and instrumental approaches that focus primarily on formal negotiators, that is, national governments. Other actors, such as interest groups, can enter the negotiation arena by using empowering resources that are alternatives to state power. In some cases, such as the discussion of asylum rights for EU nationals during the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference, interest groups joined the negotiation and did not pursue self-interest, but rather sought to design broader constitutional principles of the EU. The formal negotiator, the Spanish government, was faced with pressure from these groups that emanated from a set of international norms and moral beliefs that underpinned their claims. Their success is significant, not only because they diluted the Spanish government's proposal, but because their performance demonstrated important characteristics of a maturing European civil society.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 403-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Powers

AbstractThis commentary summarizes the events at the recent UN Conference on Sustainable Development, commonly referred to as Rio+20, noting both the role of official national delegations and the diversity of non-state parties that were involved in a variety of venues at and around Rio+20. It sketches the background of sustainable development efforts, maps the road from the original 1992 Rio Earth Summit to the 20th anniversary gathering, and comments on the Conference’s outcomes and their implications for international law and legal institutions. In answer to the much debated question of whether the Rio+20 was a success or a failure, or something in between, the author concludes that the Conference, while disappointing to many, may have furthered the cause of sustainable development by producing a document which reflects a baseline of international norms and by fostering the increasingly important role of civil society action, commitments and partnerships, and of transnational governance.


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