Referendums and Democratic Government

Author(s):  
Maija Setälä
2020 ◽  
Vol 140 ◽  
pp. 34-68
Author(s):  
Delphine Ackermann ◽  
Clément Sarrazanas

Abstract:No ancient source indicates when the agōnothesia, attested for the first time in 307/6 BC, was introduced in Athens. Scholars have long attributed its creation, along with the abolition of the liturgical chorēgia, to the government of Demetrius of Phalerum (317–307 BC), motivated by oligarchic ideology and a desire to preserve the wealth of rich citizens. This traditional thesis has recently been challenged, with some scholars attributing the creation of the agōnothesia to the restored democratic government of 307 BC and others to the government of Phocion (322–318 BC). A new look at epigraphical and literary documents hitherto neglected or imperfectly understood (especially from the Attic demes) allows the authors to establish that the liturgical chorēgia disappeared at the beginning of the government of Demetrius of Phalerum, around 316 BC. The institution of the agōnothesia had a precedent (hitherto overlooked) in Lycurgan Athens with the new festival of the Amphiaraia of 331 BC. Both measures were in fact consensual and must not be interpreted as strictly oligarchic in inspiration. The creation of the agōnothesia was above all a pragmatic response on Athens’ part to the major changes that occurred in the agonistic world in the late fourth century.


2009 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-84
Author(s):  
Walter Nicgorski

AbstractThis essay treats the inspiration and nature of Yves Simon's philosophical life. His embrace of that life was importantly shaped by his engagement with the republican tradition in France, his passionate opposition to the fascist threat to France, and his later attachment to the aspirations of American democracy. However, his early philosophical interests took direction and inspiration from his encounter with Jacques Maritain who drew him to Thomism. His devotion to the truth was fierce, and he confronted honestly the threats to this defining quality of philosophical life from the pressures of social conformity and from the discouragement of seeing the inadequacies and disagreements in the history of philosophy. He came, as especially evident in his most influential book, Philosophy of Democratic Government, to esteem highly the virtue of prudence, seeking to protect it from both philosophy and social science.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 747-761 ◽  
Author(s):  
Werner Bonefeld

The contribution examines the market liberal veracity of Hayek’s view that a dictatorship may be more liberal in its policies than an unlimited democratic assembly. Hayek’s warning about the potentially illiberal character of democratic government is key to the German ordoliberal thinking that emerged in the context of the crisis of the Weimar Republic. The ordoliberal thinkers were keenly aware of Schmitt’s political theology and argued with him that the state is the predominant power in the relationship between market and state, conceiving of this relationship as free economy and strong state. They maintained that the establishment of social order is the precondition of free economy; law does not apply to disorder and does not create order. The liberal state is the ‘concentrated force’ of that order. The contribution argues that ordoliberalism is best characterized as an authoritarian liberalism and assesses its contemporary veracity in relation to the European Union.


Author(s):  
Jared Sonnicksen

AbstractThe European Union remains an ambivalent polity. This uncertainty complicates the assessment of its democratic and federal quality. Drawing on comparative federalism research can contribute not only to making sense of whether, or rather which kind of federalism the EU has developed. It can also enable addressing such a compounded, but necessary inquiry into the federal and democratic character of the EU and how to ascertain which type of democratic government for which type of federal union may be appropriate. The article first elaborates a framework to assess the dimensions of federal and democratic government, drawing on comparative federalism research to delineate basic types of federal democracy. Here the democratic dimension of government is taken as referring primarily to the horizontal division of powers (among ‘branches’) of government, the federal dimension to the vertical division of powers (among ‘levels’) of governments. The framework is applied to the government of the EU in order to gauge its own type(s) of division of power arrangements and the interlinkage between them. Finally, the discussion reflects on whether or rather how the EU could comprise a federal democracy, especially in light of recent crisis challenges and subsequent institutional developments in EU governance.


1949 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clarence A. Berdahl

Author(s):  
Remedio Sánchez Ferriz

En las recientes reivindicaciones de mayores medios de participación democrática, como contestación a la simple participación mediante representantes elegidos, Suiza nos ofrece, una vez más, un ejemplo muy curioso. Este es un estudio sobre la regulación constitucional y legal del proceso de consultas a través del cual los ciudadanos dejan sentir su voz en todo proyecto normativo relevante. Puede ser considerado un derecho constitucional más pero, a la vez, es un mecanismo de integración territorial y ciudadana en un sistema presidido por la permanente manifestación de la voluntad popular.In the latest demands to enable an increase in popular participation in any democratic government, once more Switzerland offers a very curious example. In this study can be seen the constitutional and legal regulation for the consultation like the process in which, the citizens in Switzerland contribute in the elaboration of the law, expressing their views when the Government is preparing some important legislation. It can be considered another constitutional right; but at the same time it is a mechanism for territorial integration and citizenship in a system chaired by the permanent expression of the popular will.


FIKRAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 209
Author(s):  
Moh Abd Rauf

<p><span>The internalization of the caliphate ideological movement by several community organizations rolled since the reform era because of the provision public freedom space. One of the organizations that forced to establish the caliphate was Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). This paper tries to reveal the ideology concept in the HTI’s perspective and how they internalize the caliphate<em> </em>movement toward the existence democracy in Jember East Java Indonesia. This research uses a type of empirical research with phenomenological approach. The result show that democracy is essentially represent the government and the supreme power of a state. The system of democratic government follows the principle of government from the people, by the people, and for the people. The movement of caliphate was very influential in undermining the value of democracy is known to be very comprehensive. At this time the movement is expanding to various regions, especially in Jember city in changing the general paradigm of society to follow the ideology.</span></p>


1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-413
Author(s):  
David A. Lloyd Thomas

It has been claimed that decisions reached democratically have the consent of those subject to them. It will be shown that arguments for this view rest on either a Kantian or a utilitarian conception of consent. When the distinct nature of these arguments is kept clearly in mind, it becomes apparent that little remains of any of them. Nothing remains of the argument based on the Kantian conception, at least in so far as it is used to support the view that democratic government rests on the consent of the governed. Though something remains of the arguments based on the utilitarian conception, what remains is not what they often are thought to establish. The spurious plausibility of consent arguments for democracy is due to switches between the Kantian conception of consent and the utilitarian.


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