“There is a Massacre of Women”: Violence Against Women, Feminist Activism, and Hashtags in Turkey

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 1102-1103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rüstem Ertuğ Altınay
Author(s):  
Tamara Ivančević

A more profound study of prepositions within the framework of cognitive linguistics has highlighted the importance of the category of space in structuring both concrete and abstract meanings. Simultaneous, inconsistent, but grammatically correct use of three prepositions in the constructions: "violence TOWARDS women," "violence OVER women" (not used in the English language, but very common in the Serbian) and "violence AGAINST women" imposed the need for a detailed analysis of these three prepositions in the mentioned constructions and the similarities and differences of mental representations that may exist among speakers of the Serbian language, depending on which preposition is used. A key feature of cognitive linguistics - recognizing the influence of human beings and their environment on the formation and development of meaning - required an interdisciplinary approach, and therefore contextualization and explanation with the help of feminist theory, bearing in mind that the phenomenon of violence against women is primarily recognized, described and explained by feminist activism and theory. The interaction of language and environment can create or indicate cracks in certain concepts, which are especially prominent when there is a choice between several linguistic expressions that more closely denote and describe these concepts. Considering that the patriarchal structure of society creates a specific type of violence - violence that takes sex difference as an imperative, this paper seeks to show and explain the conceptual cracks related to violence and women and have arisen in the interaction of language and that patriarchal structure of society.


2021 ◽  
pp. 107780122110139
Author(s):  
Karen B. Vanterpool ◽  
William L. Yarber ◽  
Molly Rosenberg ◽  
Rasul A. Mowatt ◽  
Justin R. Garcia

This study explores how perceptions of the availability of male dating partners (sex ratio) affect heterosexual Black women’s tolerance and experiences with intimate partner violence (IPV). Evolutionary behavioral models suggest that when the sex ratio is high (more available men than women), violence against women is more likely to occur, whereas the Guttentag–Secord model suggests that when there is a surplus of men, violence against women is less likely to occur. Testing these theories, results show perception of a high sex ratio was significantly positively associated with experiences of IPV in the past 12 months and more tolerant attitudes toward IPV.


Hypatia ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 77-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen J. Ferraro

Domestic violence discourse challenges cultural acceptance of male violence against women, yet it is often constituted by gendered, racialized, and class-based hierarchies. Transformative efforts have not escaped traces of these hierarchies. Emancipatory ideals guiding 1970s feminist activism have collided with conservative impulses to maintain and strengthen family relationships. Crime control discourse undermines critiques of dominance through its focus on individual men. Domestic violence discourse exemplifies both resistance to and replication of hierarchies of power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (6) ◽  
pp. 475-492
Author(s):  
Summer Forester

Contrary to our understanding of when states act on women’s rights, Jordan adopted a policy on violence against women at the same time as it faced a number of external and internal security threats. In this article, I query the relationship between militarism and the gender policymaking process in Jordan to make sense of this puzzle. I specifically consider the ways in which a feminist conceptualization of militarism offers a more fruitful understanding of government action on violence against women in Jordan than studying this policy development through the lens of patriarchy, state institutions, and/or feminist activism alone. Indeed, evaluating the development of Jordan’s Family Protection Law through the lens of militarism and related security practices reveals the depth and breadth of these phenomena: the martial values and priorities of the Jordanian regime extend beyond the realm of traditional, ‘high politics’ security issues and impact civil, social, and even interpersonal relations – relations that are always already gendered – that are seemingly far removed from military concerns. I argue that the Jordanian government adopted its policy on violence against women because this enhanced the state’s image in the international arena and appeased domestic audiences by adhering to a gendered logic of protection that maintains the state as the ultimate protector of women. Overall, the article deepens our understanding of how militarism and the security climate influence the gender policymaking process, particularly in semi-authoritarian regimes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-150
Author(s):  
Wina Puspita Sari ◽  
Casa Bilqis Savitri

The 16 Days Against Women Violence Campaign is a campaign to encourage liberation struggles against women throughout the world. As a national human right in Indonesia. This campaign has been carried out since 2003 and is routinely carried out every period with a 16-day campaign set in November. Problems in the 16-Day Campaign Against Violence Against Women, this campaign has been running for 15 years, but this is not directly proportional to the protected numbers against women has increased over the past three years. The main theory in this research is campaign theory using Nowak & Warneryd's campaign model. The method used is a descriptive qualitative research method that looks for facts with the right interpretation. Descriptive research on problems in society, views, and processes - ongoing parts and effects of phenomena. Komnas Perempuan is still too broad in setting its campaign targets, as well as a lot of messages to be conveyed. the extent of challenging the campaign audience makes KOMNAS Perempuan against barriers ranging from language and culture, there is a GAP about knowledge of challenges, to obstacles in choosing what campaign techniques to use. In the 16 Days Anti Violence against Women campaign, KOMNAS Perempuan chose to generalize the message to be conveyed, accepting their own challenges, which made the objectives of the 16 Days Anti Violence Against Women Campaign unsuccessful. Keywords:  Campaign, KOMNAS Perempuan, Violence


2020 ◽  
pp. 125-147
Author(s):  
Catherine Donovan ◽  
Khatidja Chantler ◽  
Rachel Fenton ◽  
Kelly Bracewell

Three ingredients underpin feminist campaigns against violence against women in universities: research, public activism, and political lobbying. Often discussed as if they are separate activities, this chapter demonstrates that conducting research constitutes activism resulting in and/or requiring lobbying and other activist activities. The chapter analyzes qualitative data collected in a UK national multimethod study exploring barriers and facilitators to implementing the recommendations of the 2016 Universities UK report on violence against women. Interviews with academics reveal how, in becoming cognizant of the power structures within their universities, participants identified how power operated to stall or block the gender-based violence agenda and pointed to transformative measures to circumvent barriers. These measures involve the three ingredients listed here. Collective action is apparent throughout their accounts with alliances being developed with students, external partners, and key individuals, as well as committees and services within their institutions. Cumulatively, the activism of these participants can be seen as transformative.


2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maísa Tavares de Souza Leite ◽  
Maria Fernanda Santos Figueiredo ◽  
Orlene Veloso Dias ◽  
Maria Aparecida Vieira ◽  
Luís Paulo Souza e Souza ◽  
...  

OBJECTIVE: to analyze the reports and factors associated with violence against women. METHOD: this was a cross-sectional, exploratory and analytical study with information about the cases of reported violence, extracted from the Civil Police Report Bulletin, in a mid-sized city in Minas Gerais, Brazil. RESULTS: out of the 7,487 reports of violence against women, it was found that 44.6% of the cases were threats, 28.5% aggression, 25.1% bodily injury, 1.1% rape, and 0.7% some other type of injury. In the bivariate analysis, a higher number of cases (p=0.000) committed by partners was evidenced, for all kinds of violence except for rape. Children, adolescents and adults experienced violence by partners, followed by family members. Regarding older women, violence was committed by family members. CONCLUSION: there is the need for programs to be established to prevent violence against women in various sectors of society, permeating the life cycle.


2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 112
Author(s):  
M. Fauzan Zenrif

<p class="Bodytext20"><span lang="IN">Feminist discourse is always actual, inexhaustible and not tired of being discussed. When we are saturated with the problem of emancipation, then we speak feminism and gender equality, even now being warmly discussed the issue of violence against women. This paper discusses the truth of the Qur'anic concept of the potential of female violence supported by various social facts. Nowadays women's violence is much faster than men do. The crime of women is not only murder, robbery, mistreatment, demolition and theft, mugging, pickling and burning of houses, but also rape with violence. Therefore, it is necessary to reconstruct the concept of women's empowerment that can eliminate, or at least minimize the possibility of polarization of women violence. This is because clearly in Indonesia the phenomenon of women's violence, both in the family and the public, the more transparent. In the view of the Qur'an, violence to anyone, any gender, and to any group, is not justified and contrary to humanitarian values</span></p><p class="Bodytext20"><span lang="IN"> </span></p><p class="Bodytext20">Diskursus keperempuanan memang selalu aktual, tak habis- habisnya dan tak bosan-bosannya dididiskusikan. <span lang="IN">K</span>etika kita jenuh dengan masalah emansipasi, kemudian kita berbicara feminisme dan kesataraan jender, sekarangpun sedang hangat didiskusikan masalah kekerasan terhadap perempuan.<span lang="IN"> Tulisan ini membahas k</span>ebenaran konsep al-Qur’an tentang potensi kekerasan perempuan <span lang="IN">yang </span>didukung fakta sosial <span lang="IN">yang beragam. Dewasa ini kekerasan yang dilakukan oleh perempuan jauh lebih cepat meningkat dibandingkan yang dilakukan oleh laki-laki. Kriminalitas perempuan tersebut tidak hanya pembunuhan, perampokan, penganiayaan, pembongkaran dan pencurian, penjambretan, pencopetan dan pembakaran rumah, tapi juga perkosaan disertai kekerasan. Untuk itu perlu rekonstruksi konsep pemberdayaan perempuan yang dapat menghilangkan, atau setidaknya meminimalisir kemungkinan terjadinya polarisasi kekerasan perempuan. Hal ini karena </span>jelas di Indonesia fenomena kekerasan perempuan, baik dalam keluarga maupun publik, semakin transparan. <span lang="IN">D</span>alam pandangan al-Qur’an, kekerasan pada siapapun, jenis kelamin apapun, dan pada kelompok manapun, tidak dibenarkan dan bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai kemanusiaan</p>


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