The Whigs, the Church, and Education, 1839

1987 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian D. C. Newbould

The Whig educational proposals of 1839 are regarded as an important step in the centralization and growth of state control over the education of English working-class children. Introduced by Lord John Russell on February 12, the plan called for state supervision of education by a committee of the Privy Council, the erection of a nondenominational state normal school and two model schools, state inspection of all schools in receipt of the grants established in 1833, and a new system of allocation of those grants based not on the size of the voluntary contributions raised by the National Society or the British and Foreign School Society (BFSS) but on the local needs as ascertained by any “reputable” school society. Historians have viewed the proposals as the inevitable outcome of popular pressures brought to bear on government. Unable to resist their own Erastian urge to attack the privileged position of the church, and persuaded by Brougham, who figured prominently in the 1833 grant and had unsuccessfully proposed a national system as recently as the autumn of 1837, or alternatively by the Radicals J. A. Roebuck and Thomas Wyse, themselves supporters of the Central Society for Education's plans for a national secular system of education, the Whigs are regarded as having responded to popular, reformist demands. “In 1839,” wrote Halevy, “the cabinet yielded.” England was last among the Protestant countries in the matter of primary education; Roebuck, Wyse, and Brougham had failed in their separate efforts to promote the cause; and the government could do little other than propose a remedy for 3 million uneducated children.

1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (119) ◽  
pp. 354-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick McNally

The Wood’s Halfpence affair has long been recognised as one of the most serious disputes to have occurred between the Irish and British political establishments during the eighteenth century. There is no doubt that the conflict — caused by Irish resentment over the patent granted to William Wood to coin copper halfpence for Ireland — was one of the most serious ruptures in Anglo-Irish relations between the Williamite war and the ‘patriot’ campaign of the 1750s. The simple fact is that in 1723–4 the British administration was unable to implement its policy in Ireland. The Irish parliamentary managers declined to co-operate in the implementation of Wood’s patent, the Irish privy council failed to offer advice about how the conflict might be resolved, and the Irish lords justices refused to obey the positive orders of the British government.In the past historians have argued that, shocked by the demonstrable unreliability of its Irish servants during this episode, the British government adopted a systematic policy of appointing English officials to the highest offices of Irish state and church. The appointment of Hugh Boulter as primate of the Church of Ireland in 1724 and of Richard West as lord chancellor in 1725 seemed to support such an interpretation.


Prawo ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 325 ◽  
pp. 229-246
Author(s):  
Edyta Włodarczyk

Inspections of seminars by state authorities in Poland in 1960–1971In 1960–1971 the government conducted inspections of seminars, both diocesan seminars and those run by religious orders, all over Poland. The success of the authorities’ efforts depended on the seminar in question and the year. As early as in February 1950 the first attempts were made to subordinate some seminars to state control, specifically, the control of the Ministry of Education, on the basis of Articles 96–107 of the Decree 28 October 1947, which dealt with the organisation of schools and higher education institutions. The remaining seminars were to be controlled by the respective Boards of Education, in accordance with the Private Schools Act of 11 March 1932. Invoking these legislative acts, the authorities wanted to exercise the right to grant approval to statutes, curricula, appointment of teaching staff as well as supervise the implementation of the curricula in the seminars. Yet their efforts produced meagre results. This did not change until 1959, when the communist authorities realised that freedom of educating and forming future priests was extremely problematic for them and that the process was completely out of their control. A conviction that in its seminars the Church was educating future priests in an atmosphere that was hostile to the people’s republic and was promoting views hostile to the interests of society prompted the communist authorities to take action seeking to take control of seminars. The seminars were to abide by the provisions of the Act of 19 April 1950 on the Change of the Organisation State Authorities with Regard to Municipal and Public Administration, Private Schools Act of 11 March 1932, and then the Act of 15 July 1961 on the Development of the Education System as well as the Ordinance of the Minister of Education of 26 February 1965 on the Rules and Conditions of Running Non-State Schools and Other Education Institutions. They were also subordinated to the control of the state authorities. After more than a decade of battles between the government and the Polish Episcopate, the question of control over seminars was finally resolved in 1971, when the authorities ceased their inspections of seminars.Visitationen der höheren Priesterseminare durch staatliche Behörden in Polen in den Jahren 1960–1971In den Jahren 1960-1971 führten staatliche Behörden auf dem ganzen Gebiet Polens Visitationen in den höheren Seminaren der Diözesen und der Orden durch. Bereits im Februar 1950 versuchte man, einen Teil der Priesterseminare der Kontrolle des Staates, also des Ministeriums für Bildung und Erziehung auf Grund der Art. 96–107 des Dekretes vom 28. Oktober 1947, die die Organisation der Wissenschaft und des höheren Schulwesens betreffen, zu unterziehen. Die restlichen höheren und kleinen Seminare sollten der Kontrolle der Schulkuratorien gemäß dem Gesetz vom 11. März 1932 über Privatschulen und wissenschaftliche sowie erzieherische Einrichtungen unterliegen. Aufgrund dieser Rechtsakte wollten die Behörden über das Recht verfügen, die Satzungen, Programme und Unterrichtspläne zu bestätigen, das Lehrpersonal zu berufen und die Ausübung der Programme in den Seminaren ständig zu kontrollieren, was ihnen jedoch nicht gelang. Eine Änderung erfolgte erst im Jahre 1959, als die kommunistischen Behörden sich dessen bewusst wurden, dass die Freiheit des Unterrichtes und der Erziehung der Priesterkandidaten eine sehr heikle und durch den Staat nicht kontrollierte Angelegenheit blieb. Aufgrund der Überzeugung, dass die Ausbildung in den Seminaren in einer staatsfeindlichen Atmosphäre verläuft und dort Meinungen gefördert werden, die sozialfeindlich sind, haben die Volksbehörden Maßnahmen zur Kontrolle der höheren Priesterseminare getroffen. Die höheren Priesterseminare wurden damals dem Gesetz vom 19. April 1950 über die Änderung der Organisation der obersten Staatsbehörden im Bereich der kommunalen Wirtschaft und der öffentlichen Verwaltung, dem Gesetz vom 11. März 1932 über Privatschulen und weiterhin dem Gesetz vom 15. Juli 1961 über die Entwicklung des Bildungssystems und Erziehungswesens und der Verordnung des Kultusministers vom 26. Februar 1965 in Sachen der Grundsätze und Bedingungen der Führung nicht staatlicher Schulen und anderer schulischer und pädagogischer Zentren unterordnet sowie der Aufsicht staatlicher Behörden unterzogen. Nach mehr als zehn Jahren eines Kampfes zwischen den Staatsbehörden und dem Episkopat Polens wurde die Aufsicht über die höheren Priesterseminare endgültig im Jahre 1971 eingestellt.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (34) ◽  
pp. 392
Author(s):  
Adeshina Abideen Olojede

The story of Adult education in Nigeria is not complete without the activities of itinerant Islamic scholars and traders dating as far back as the 14th century. The Methodist mission, the Church Missionary Society (C.M.S) and other Christian churches pioneered what can be termed as “modern literacy” in Nigeria. The major difference between the activities of Islamic missionaries and Christian missionaries is the acceptance of western education in the south and its rejection in the north. Despite this early involvement in literacy activities, illiteracy still persists in Nigeria. Literacy developments efforts in Nigeria include collaboration with UNESCO in the establishment of an Adult Literacy Institute in Ibadan. In 1965, the University of Ibadan started the training of professional adult educators. Other initiatives include pre-primary education, primary education, the first three years of secondary education (JSS), and literacy for adolescents, adults and women’s education. To help improve literacy development situation, the International Community on Education has put forward a 12 points benchmark on literacy delivery. With the current rate of illiteracy and the fact that the deadline of 2015 which was earlier scheduled for halving the illiterates population could not be met, the credibility of the government activities, most especially in the area of funding, commitment, programmes, strategies and the institutions established on the success or otherwise on the benchmarks as far as Nigeria is concerned has been called into question. Using relevant literature on the topic and personal experience of the researcher, this paper is written, to access Nigeria’s performance in the realization of these benchmarks. However, it established the problems and offers possible recommendations that if applied, would put the country on track again as post 2015 literacy development strategy.


Author(s):  
Tihomir Prša ◽  
Jelena Blašković

Expressiveness of the church modes is reflected in their character and association of certain states with a specific mode or single Gregorian composition which possesses unique expressiveness. An important characteristic of Gregorian chant on the tonality level is diatonic singing based on scales without chromatics, using only one semitone in the tetrachord whose musical structure reflects the expressiveness of Gregorian chant. Such expressiveness achieves character specificities which each mode respectively reflects. Various modal material in the form of typical melodic shifts in a certain composition conditions the expressiveness of Gregorian music and influences the listening impression and assessment of individual Gregorian tunes. The goal of this work is to examine primary education students' experiences of the expressiveness of Gregorian modes and explore if today's auditory sense accustomed to two tonality genres, major and minor, recognises what has been stored in the heritage of Gregorian chant repertoire for centuries. The research was conducted in the school year 2018/2019 with students of first, second, third and fourth grade of primary school (N=100). The results have shown that first and second grade students express higher auditory sensibility in recognizing specific characteristic of authentic Gregorian modes. Third and fourth grade students are audibly less open and perceptive considering tonal character differences in the authentic Gregorian modes. Key words: Gregorian chant; modality; old church scales; students in primary education


Author(s):  
E.V. Klovach ◽  
◽  
A.S. Pecherkin ◽  
V.K. Shalaev ◽  
V.I. Sidorov ◽  
...  

In Russia, the reform of the regulatory guillotine is being implemented in the field of control and supervisory activity. It should result in a new regulatory system formed according to the principles specified in the key federal laws: «On state control (supervision) and municipal control in the Russian Federation» (Law on Control) and «On mandatory requirements in the Russian Federation» (Law on Mandatory Requirements) adopted in August 2020. In the field of industrial safety, this process was launched by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation № 1192, which will come into force on January 1, 2021. The main provisions are discussed in the article, which are related to the Law on Control and the Law on Mandatory Requirements. The Law on Control establishes the priority of preventive measures aimed at reducing the risk of causing harm in relation to the control activities, the grounds for carrying out control (supervisory) activities, the types of these activities in the forms of interaction with the controlled person and without such, the procedure for presentation of the results of control (supervisory) activity. The Law on Mandatory Requirements establishes that the provisions of regulatory legal acts should enter into force either from March 1 or September 1, but not earlier than 90 days after their official publication, and their validity period should not exceed 6 years. The drafts of regulatory legal acts developed by the federal executive bodies are subject to regulatory impact assessment. With a view to ensuring systematization of mandatory require ments, their register is kept. The federal executive body prepares a report on the achievement of the goals of mandatory requirements introduction. By January 1, 2021, 10 resolutions of the Government of the Russian Federation, 48 federal norms and rules in the field of industrial safety and 9 other regulatory legal acts of Rostechnadzor should be adopted. The drafts of all the documents are already prepared, some of the acts are completing the process of discussion and approval.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Muhammad Nadzir

Water plays a very important role in supporting human life and other living beings as goods that meet public needs. Water is one of the declared goods controlled by the state as mentioned in the constitution of the republic of Indonesia. The state control over water indicated that water management can bring justice and prosperity for all Indonesian people. However, in fact, water currently becomes a product commercialized by individuals and corporations. It raised a question on how the government responsibility to protect the people's right to clean water. This study found that in normative context, the government had been responsible in protecting the people’s right over the clean water. However, in practical context, it found that the government had not fully protected people's right over clean water. The government still interpreted the state control over water in the form of creating policies, establishing a set of regulations, conducting management, and also supervision.


Author(s):  
Dalmacito A Cordero

Abstract Culture is a way of life. A recent correspondence emphasizes that it is a contributory factor in combatting the COVID-19 pandemic, and this must be considered by each government around the world. However, I argue that various elements in culture do not need to stop or else it will create public outrage. I therefore propose a win–win solution for both parties with the inclusion of the church that can serve as a framework for the sake of public health. It is primarily based on a kind of behavior that is needed to be embodied by the involved groups—‘supportive’ government, ‘creative’ church and an ‘adaptive’ public. These essential behaviors of all groups are possible to embody for a successful implementation of public health.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Dorota Szelewa

This article analyses two cases of populist mobilisation – namely, one against a primary school entry-age reform and another against WHO sexuality education and the concept of gender – that took place in Poland between 2008 and 2019. Both campaigns had a populist character and were oriented towards restoring social justice taken away from ‘the people’ by a morally corrupted ‘elite’. There are differences between the cases that can be analytically delineated by assessing whether a religious mobilisation has an overt or a covert character. While the series of protests against the school-age reform represents a case of mobilisation with covert religious symbolism, the campaigns against sexuality education and the use of the concept of gender are characterised by overt religious populism. To characterise the dynamics of the two campaigns, the study uses the concept of a moral panic, emphasising the importance of moral entrepreneurs waging ideological war against the government and/or liberal experts conceived of as ‘folk devils’.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
Madalena Meyer Resende ◽  
Anja Hennig

The alliance of the Polish Catholic Church with the Law and Justice (PiS) government has been widely reported and resulted in significant benefits for the Church. However, beginning in mid-2016, the top church leadership, including the Episcopal Conference, has distanced itself from the government and condemned its use of National Catholicism as legitimation rhetoric for the government’s malpractices in the fields of human rights and democracy. How to account for this behavior? The article proposes two explanations. The first is that the alliance of the PiS with the nationalist wing of the Church, while legitimating its illiberal refugee policy and attacks on democratic institutions of the government, further radicalized the National Catholic faction of the Polish Church and motivated a reaction of the liberal and mainstream conservative prelates. The leaders of the Episcopate, facing an empowered and radical National Catholic faction, pushed back with a doctrinal clarification of Catholic orthodoxy. The second explanatory path considers the transnational influence of Catholicism, in particular of Pope Francis’ intervention in favor of refugee rights as prompting the mainstream bishops to reestablish the Catholic orthodoxy. The article starts by tracing the opposition of the Bishops Conference and liberal prelates to the government’s refugee and autocratizing policies. Second, it describes the dynamics of the Church’s internal polarization during the PiS government. Third, it traces and contextualizes the intervention of Pope Francis during the asylum political crisis (2015–2016). Fourth, it portrays their respective impact: while the Pope’s intervention triggered the bishops’ response, the deepening rifts between liberal and nationalist factions of Polish Catholicism are the ground cause for the reaction.


1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Dean

In his celebrated presidential addresses to the Royal Historical Society between 1974 and 1976 Sir Geoffrey Elton explored three “points of contact” between central authority and local communities: Parliament, the royal council, and the royal court. Parliament, he argued, was “the premier point of contact,” which “fulfilled its functions as a stabilizing mechanism because it was usable and used to satisfy legitimate and potentially powerful aspirations.” Elsewhere Elton, and other parliamentary historians such as Michael Graves, Norman Jones, and Jennifer Loach, have stressed parliament's role as a clearing house for the legislative desires of the governing class. The author of this article has recently drawn attention to the pressures which private legislation placed on the parliamentary agenda and the attempts by the government to control it. All of this supports Elton's contention that parliament, from the perspective of central government, was indeed a vital means of ensuring stability and channelling grievances.However, few studies have viewed parliament from the perspective of the local communities and governing elites who sought parliamentary solutions to their problems or even parliamentary resolutions to their disputes with others. The major exception to this has been London. Helen Miller's seminal study of London and parliament in the reign of Henry VIII and Edwin Green's on the Vintners lobby, have been recently complemented by Ian Archer's on the London lobbies in Elizabeth's reign, Claude Blair's on the Armourers lobby, and my own study of the struggle between the Curriers and Cordwainers. These not only reveal the broader context of such disputes, but emphasize that parliament was only one of many arenas available to participants. This important point has also been stressed by Robert Tittler in his study of parliament as a “point of contact” for English towns.


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