Nomads and the State in Soviet Kazakhstan

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niccolò Pianciola
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Private Ownership ◽  
Grain Production ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Nomadic Pastoralists ◽  
Red Army ◽  
Mobile Pastoralism ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Time

After the military conquest of the Kazakh Steppe in 1920, Russian and Kazakh Bolsheviks implemented policies of hard decolonization (1921–1922): tens of thousands of Slavic settlers were expropriated and land was distributed to nomads. During the period of 1923–1927, soft decolonization prevailed: Kazakhstan was created as an ethnonational administrative region and agricultural immigration was prohibited. Kazakhs were given priority in access to land and water and they were included in the state and party administrations. No sedentarization plans were drafted. With the Soviet economic policy turn of 1928, Kazakhstan became the object of plans for expansion of grain cultivation (to this end, peasant colonization from Russia was made legal again) and of industrialization. Moscow lunched an offensive in order both to subjugate and to incorporate Kazakh society: Kazakh pastoral elites and former Tsarist administrators were expropriated and deported; and young Kazakh men were drafted into the Red Army for the first time. In 1929, plans for the total sedentarization of Kazakh nomadic pastoralists were suddenly proclaimed, then rapidly became of secondary concern as they were merged with the total collectivization drive. Policies toward nomadic pastoralists were dependent and auxiliary to grain production policies from 1928 to early 1930. Then, from late 1930 to 1932, Kazakh livestock was requisitioned in order to feed Moscow, Leningrad, and the army, as the Soviet peasants had slaughtered their animals during collectivization. Procurements turned an ongoing starvation crisis into a calamitous famine that killed one-third of the Kazakhs. When no livestock were left, procurements were discontinued in Kazakhstan. Private ownership of animals and pastoral nomadic ways were explicitly allowed again. Kazakh mobile pastoralism had been transformed: pastoral routes were shortened; pastoralists were a smaller share of the population; and their work was organized within state and collective farms. The famine turned the Kazakhs into a minority in Kazakhstan and forced them into Soviet state institutions.

Pyrrhic Victories

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jörg Baberowski
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
New Economic Policy ◽  
The World ◽  
Red Army ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Military Victory ◽  
The Military

This chapter examines the aftermath of the Bolsheviks' victory over both the Whites, or counterrevolutionaries, and all rival socialists. The Bolsheviks broke the military resistance of the Whites, crushed the unrest and strikes of the peasants, and even restored the multiethnic empire, which, in the early months of revolution, had largely fallen apart. In spring 1921, when the Red Army marched into Georgia, the Civil War was officially over. For the Bolsheviks, however, military victory was not the end but rather the beginning of a mission, not simply to shake the world but to transform it. Although weapons may have decided the war in favor of the revolutionaries they had not settled the question of power. This chapter considers Vladimir Lenin's New Economic Policy (NEP) that would implement economic reforms, the Bolsheviks' failure to carry power into villages, and the dictatorship's lack of support from the proletariat. It also describes the nationalization of the Russian empire and Joseph Stalin's rise to power.

scholarly journals Domestic Responses to Free Trade and Free Finance in OECD Countries

1999 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Verdier
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade ◽  
Small Firms ◽  
Oecd Countries ◽  
The State ◽  
Financial Instruments ◽  
Modern History ◽  
Demand And Supply ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Banking And Finance ◽  
First Time

For the first time in modern history, free trade coexists with free finance. Free trade and free finance (defined as the deregulation and internationalization of banking and finance) are not mutually reinforcing, but cause a mismatch between the demand and supply of financial instruments. Investors want more marketable instruments whereas entrepreneurs want more transaction-specific instruments. This mismatch potentially hurts small firms and local interests most. What can they do about it? It depends on state institutions. The more centralized the state, the fewer opportunities available to potential losers to curb free finance. Free finance is most successful in centralized countries, where resistance to free finance is least strongly felt. This hypothesis is systematically tested on a sample of OECD countries.

scholarly journals Attitude to the New Economic Policy in the RCP (B) Party Organizations of the Vyatka Gubernia in 1921-1923: Archival Materials

2020 ◽  
pp. 169-179
Author(s):  
Yuri N. Timkin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Clear Understanding ◽  
State Archive ◽  
Low Literacy ◽  
New Economic Policy ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Military

Drawing on archival materials from the State Archive of the Kirov Region and the State Archive of Social and Political History of the Kirov Region, the article analyzes attitudes to the New Economic Policy (NEP) in the party organizations of the RCP (B) of the Vyatka guberina in 1921. The novelty of this work lies in the fact that the author draws on archival documents to investigate the attitude of communists to the decision of the X Congress of the RCP (B) to replace surplus tax by tax in kind (prodnalog) and other measures for the development of the NEP in 1921. It turns out that party workers in position of responsibility and ordinary members of the party, as a rule, understood and perceived the NEP in their own way, reading into it the interests and needs of different social and professional groups. Moreover, there emerged some ideological differences due to different understanding of the political goals of the New Economic Policy. For the first time in local historiography, the author has introduced into scientific use some previously unknown archival facts. The analysis of the archival material allows the author to conclude that the attitude to the NEP of party workers in position of responsibility and of rank-and-file members differed. If the “top” of the party discussed the ideological aspects of the NEP, the “bottom” members, as a rule, were interested in its practical orientation. There was no unanimous support for the NEP not just among the responsible party workers, but also among the rank-and-file members. The author comes to the conclusion that the lack of clear understanding of the nature of the New Economic Policy caused disagreements in the party ranks, which, in absence of the tradition of broad discussion of controversial issues, was fraught with danger of a split. The Military Communism ideology and low literacy (including political one) that prevailed in the party ranks did not promote good understanding of the new party course and its creative application under specific regional conditions. Critics and open opponents of the NEP faced “organizational conclusions.”

Explaining the downfall of Egyptian president Mohamed Morsi

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mouataz El Esrawi
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
External Relations ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Democratic Election ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Autonomous State ◽  
The Military

This is a study on Egypt’s brief interlude of civilian rule that lasted for just over a year between June 2012 and July 2013. In June 2012, Mohamed Morsi, the candidate of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), ascended to the presidency in what was hitherto Egypt’s most democratic election. Morsi, the first civilian to hold the highest office in the state, was ousted from power in July 2013 in a military coup that was led by General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. This study seeks to explain the downfall of the Morsi regime, through emphasizing the dynamic interplay of three factors: 1) the regime’s mismanagement of relations with powerful and autonomous state institutions (particularly the military) and with broad segments of Egyptian society; 2) its inability to reverse the deterioration in Egypt’s economic performance; and 3) its mishandling of Egypt’s external relations with powerful regional and international players. The thesis contends that while none of the aforementioned factors singlehandedly explains why Egypt’s democratic experiment under Morsi (imperfect as it was) fumbled, their complex interplay created a powerful platform that the military, and its allies within the state and society, exploited to bring down Morsi and the MB. The thesis hopes to contribute to the literature on the domestic and international conditions that can often lead to the faltering of democratic transitions. Keywords: Egypt,

Factors of Production and the State: Capital, Labour, Energy

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 621-627
Author(s):  
Marta Musso
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Economic Policy ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The Subject ◽  
State Capital ◽  
First Time ◽  
News Headlines

Is state intervention making a comeback in economic policy? Should it make a comeback in economic policy? And, if so, what should this intervention look like? The relations between the state and the economy are a recurring theme throughout modern history, at least since the invention of the nation-state, but in Covid Europe these questions have made the news headlines for the first time in decades. This has been in addition to the strains and challenges posed to the global economy by climate change, which have increasingly put state intervention at the forefront of economic policy. In this context, it is not surprising that state intervention has been the subject of many new books. The ones under review here, all published between 2014 and 2020, add new food for thought to the topic. They raise important questions at a time when ideas around the relations between state, entrepreneurship and resources are beginning to be rediscussed, even in the most conservative economic circles.

scholarly journals To the development of state formations of ethnic daghestanians of Transcaucasia in the periods of Middle Ages and New Time

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-22
Author(s):  
T. M. Aitberov ◽  
◽  
M. N. Abdullaev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Native Speakers ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Left Bank ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
Territorial Identity ◽  
Strong State ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Time

The article deals with the development of state formations of ethnic Dagestanis as part of the indigenous population of Transcaucasia. Among scientists, it is generally believed that they are divided: a) for Lezgins and small ethnic groups closely related to them (within Azerbaijan, these are Khinalug, Shahdag-Kryz and Budukhs, Udins, Tsakhurs and Rutuls); b) for Avars. In this article, for the first time, the third relatively large ethnic community of the region is reasonably recorded — the Transcaucasian Dargins (Kaitagans). It is noted that the Dagestani-speaking population of Transcaucasia owned fertile lands, formed a kind of military class and was widely represented in the military-political elite of society. It was state-organized, had its own sources of law. Scientists usually derive the roots of the state and legal development of ethnic dagestanis of Transcaucasia from Caucasian Albania. In this article, the idea is carried out that this provision can be attributed only to a part of the native speakers of the Dagestan languages of the region. As for the Dagestani-speaking population of the left bank of the Alazani, known to Kavkaz scholars as the Zakatala district, along with some adjacent lands, the authors derive the deepest roots of its development in these areas — the state and law — from Lpinia, a strong state of the Transcaucasia of the Sassanid era. The authors conclude that by the end of the Mongolian era, the ethnic Dagestanis of Transcaucasia — despite centuries of being under the rule of Georgian feudal lords and assimilation processes taking place in the region — managed to preserve their ethno-territorial identity, unity and continuity in the development of the institutions of statehood and law. This was facilitated by geographical and religious factors, as well as the continuing organic ties with historical Dagestan. Special attention is paid to the political centers of the revival and development of the statehood of ethnic Dagestanis on the western slopes of the Main Caucasian Ridge during the Middle Ages and modern times

Carpatho-Ukraine’s Defeat as a Precursor of WWII Part 2

Rusin ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 136-158
Author(s):  
A.I. Kudriachenko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
World War ◽  
Hybrid War ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Time ◽  
Second World ◽  
Significant Factors

The author emphasizes that the growing national self-identification and selfawareness of the Ukrainians, the political balance of powers at the turn of 1938– 1939 in Czechoslovakia and the international arena were significant factors in the state aspirations of the residents of the Transcarpathian region. At the same time, the processes of autonomization, formation, and liquidation of Carpatho-Ukraine were determined not only by its socio-economic position, but also by the latent diplomatic and geopolitical confrontation. The establishment of Carpatho-Ukraine was associated with the military confrontation and, for the first time, was accompanied not only by a number of military operations, but also by the massive heroism of its defenders, who opposed the invaders. According to the current definitions, all this constituted the hybrid war, which became the harbinger and real percursor of the Second World War.

“The Promise of Partnership”: Indian Business, the State, and the Bombay Plan of 1944

2014 ◽  
Vol 88 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Medha Kudaisya
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Business Groups ◽  
Development Planning ◽  
Economic Transformation ◽  
The State ◽  
Business Leaders ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Time ◽  
Insight Into

This article recounts the story of the Bombay Plan of 1944, a bold vision of economic transformation for postwar India put forth by business leaders. The Plan represented a turning point in the history of Indian business. It marked the institutionalization of a long relationship between business and nationalist leadership as well as a historic moment when business groups, for the first time, unhesitatingly aligned themselves with nationalist aspirations. Underlying the Bombay Plan was the idea of a close partnership between business and the state. Yet, within a decade, this optimism died out as the autarchic features of economic policy became increasingly pronounced in independent India. The story of the Bombay Plan provides an insight into the relations between business and state in the context of development planning in India.

scholarly journals Partisan Movement in Kuzbass during the Civil War of 1917-1919

2020 ◽  
pp. 423-438
Author(s):  
I. Yu. Uskov ◽  
A. E. Pyanov
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The State ◽  
Archival Data ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Local Media ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Time

The article is devoted to the characterization and dynamics of the development of the partisan movement during the Civil War in the territory of modern Kemerovo Region in 1918-1919. The issues of the activity of individual partisan detachments in the territory of Kuzbass are considered. Attention is paid to the specifics of the partisan movement in this territory. Based on the analysis of archival data and local media materials, the military operations of partisan detachments are described. The question is raised of the partisan movement role in the victory of the Reds. The novelty of the study is in the fact that for the first time on the basis of processing a wide range of sources the state and dynamics of the partisan movement in Kuzbass during the years of the Civil War are presented. The features of the partisan movement in the region are demonstrated. The reasons for the entry of peasants into the ranks of partisans are revealed. The relevance of the study is due to its scientific and social significance. The first is determined by the fact that this kind of research, based on an analysis of a wide range of sources, is considered for the first time. The second is related to the need to rethink the features of the course of the civil war in the regions of the country and to attract the attention of scientists and society to the problems of a split in society during the crisis years.

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