Explaining the downfall of Egyptian president Mohamed Morsi

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mouataz El Esrawi

This is a study on Egypt’s brief interlude of civilian rule that lasted for just over a year between June 2012 and July 2013. In June 2012, Mohamed Morsi, the candidate of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), ascended to the presidency in what was hitherto Egypt’s most democratic election. Morsi, the first civilian to hold the highest office in the state, was ousted from power in July 2013 in a military coup that was led by General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. This study seeks to explain the downfall of the Morsi regime, through emphasizing the dynamic interplay of three factors: 1) the regime’s mismanagement of relations with powerful and autonomous state institutions (particularly the military) and with broad segments of Egyptian society; 2) its inability to reverse the deterioration in Egypt’s economic performance; and 3) its mishandling of Egypt’s external relations with powerful regional and international players. The thesis contends that while none of the aforementioned factors singlehandedly explains why Egypt’s democratic experiment under Morsi (imperfect as it was) fumbled, their complex interplay created a powerful platform that the military, and its allies within the state and society, exploited to bring down Morsi and the MB. The thesis hopes to contribute to the literature on the domestic and international conditions that can often lead to the faltering of democratic transitions. Keywords: Egypt,

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 157-165
Author(s):  
Mansoor Mohamed Fazil

Abstract This research focuses on the issue of state-minority contestations involving transforming and reconstituting each other in post-independent Sri Lanka. This study uses a qualitative research method that involves critical categories of analysis. Migdal’s theory of state-in-society was applied because it provides an effective conceptual framework to analyse and explain the data. The results indicate that the unitary state structure and discriminatory policies contributed to the formation of a minority militant social force (the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – The LTTE) which fought with the state to form a separate state. The several factors that backed to the defeat of the LTTE in 2009 by the military of the state. This defeat has appreciably weakened the Tamil minority. This study also reveals that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society in Sri Lanka still prevail, hampering the promulgation of inclusive policies. This study concludes that inclusive policies are imperative to end state minority contestations in Sri Lanka.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-79
Author(s):  
Insan Praditya

This paper is a comparison of democracy structure between two Southeast Asian Nations, Indonesia and Myanmar during their early periods of Post-Praetorianism era where the state was controlled and dominated by the military. This paper found that In Indonesia, democratization after reformasi era in 1998 had successfully changed the structure of power, where the military determination in politics had been decline significantly, despite the military still hold the power to influence political and economic affairs. In Myanmar, the democratization was a result of long term transition previously planned by the military regime, so even in 2010 democratic election, the military still hold the control over the politics and tend to preserve their power within the new face of democratic system.     


2018 ◽  
pp. 226-262
Author(s):  
Muhammad Qasim Zaman

This chapter focuses on religio-political violence, whose widespread incidence—after Pakistan's realignment in the US-led War on Terror in the aftermath of September 11, 2001, and the subsequent rise of a new, Pakistani Taliban—has threatened the very fabric of state and society. It examines the violence in question from two broad and intertwined perspectives, one relating to the state, and the other to Islam and those speaking in its terms. Part of the concern in this chapter is to contribute to an understanding of how the governing elite and the military have often fostered the conditions in which the resort to religiously inflected violence has been justified. It also suggests that the nonstate actors—ideologues and militants—have had an agency of their own, which is not reducible to the machinations of the state. Their resort to relevant facets of the Islamic tradition also needs to be taken seriously in order to properly understand their view of the world and such appeal as they have had in particular circles.


Author(s):  
Adeed Dawisha
Keyword(s):  

This chapter discusses the events following the military coup on July 17, 1968, that ushered in the Ba'thist/Saddamist era. The Ba'thists were in no mood to share power with officers claiming fidelity to the nationalist cause but eschewing membership in the Ba'th Party. Particularly adamant on the necessity for the Party to monopolize power was Saddam Husayn. On July 30, a new Cabinet was formed and announced to the Iraqi public. As the names of the Cabinet Ministers were read, no one would have any doubt that this time the Ba'th Party alone would shape the structure, and command the direction, of the Iraqi state.


2019 ◽  
pp. 133-160
Author(s):  
Marina ◽  
David Ottaway

This chapter recounts the stages of the 2011 uprising in Egypt, from the fall of one military dictator to the rise of another. The upheaval ended three decades of sclerotic rule under Hosni Mubarak, and ushered in a brief period of democracy that saw the Muslim Brotherhood triumph in parliamentary and presidential elections for the first time in Egyptian history.After a year of tumultuous rule, Islamic President Mohammed Morsi was ousted in a military coup d’état in 2013thanks to the connivance of self-proclaimed democratic secularists. The new military dictator, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, has set about uprooting all traces of Islamist presence in the country and eliminating all civil society activism as well. His goal has been to turn Egypt back fifty years to restore the military state established by Gamal Abdel Nasser, and imitate his pursuit of costly mega-projects to solve the country’s crushing economic and social problems.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maher Hamoud

In July 2013, a widely celebrated military coup took place in Egypt – only two and a half years after the 2011 Revolution. This article investigates the hegemonic power of the private press owned by Egypt’s business elite during the coup period. In the context of this research objective, this study answers the question of “how did Egypt’s private press provide popular support to the 2013 military coup?” through following a critical approach and conducting framing analysis of news headlines in a period of 112 days. This article examines the popular privately-owned newspapers al-Masry al-Youm and al-Watan as the main case studies. Findings show that Egypt’s business elite engaged in significant news framing in support of the 2013 military coup - for the purpose of maintaining their hegemonic position in the country. They particularly used the frame of “fear” (of the Muslim Brotherhood, potential violence and political chaos) and the frame of “promotion” by portraying the military as a saviour.    


2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-222
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Kubiak

Streszczenie 25 kwietnia 1974 w Lizbonie rozpoczął się wojskowy zamach stanu wymierzony w autorytarne państwo. Odniósł błyskawiczny sukces. Przejęcie władzy przez wojsko rozpoczęło ciąg niezwykle turbulentnych wydarzeń o kluczowym znaczeniu dla przyszłości państwa. Za zakończenie owego okresu uznać można 25 listopada 1975 roku.  Wtedy to również wojsko udaremniło kolejną próbę zamachu organizowaną przez oficerów o radykalnie lewicowych poglądach. Celem artykułu jest dokonanie rekonstrukcji przyczyn, które doprowadziły do zamachu oraz omówienie przebiegu wydarzeń między kwietniem 1974 roku a listopadem roku następnego. Okres ten określany jest w artykule mianem Rewolucji goździków. Autor posłużył się metodą studium przypadku, w wariancie ukierunkowanym nie tylko na opis, ale również na zaprezentowanie kontekstu badanego zjawiska. Podłużono się opracowaniami w języku portugalskimi angielskim, a także wyborem portugalskich dokumentów i aktów prawnych. AbstractOn April 25 1974 the military coup d'état aimed at the authoritarian state started in Lisboan. The rebels achieved an instant success. The takeover of power by the military started a series of extremely turbulent events of key importance for the future of the state. The end of this period can be considered November 25 1975. It was also then that the military foiled another attempted conducted by officers with radical leftist views. The aim of the article is to reconstruct the causes that led to the coup d'état in April 1974, to discuss the course of events between April 1974 and November of the following year. The period is referred to in this article as the Revolution cloves. The paper presents the consequences of these events for the further history of the Portugal. The author used the case study method in a variant aimed not only at description but also at presenting the context of the phenomenon under study. The studies in Portuguese and English, as well as the selection of Portuguese documents and legal acts, were extended.  


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 124
Author(s):  
Anna Triningsih

Legislation or commonly called the law is a  political  product.  Politics  is  a field in the society which relate to public goals, and the law as one of the fields in society is always linked to the goals of society. Because of being associated with these objectives, the law has its own dynamics side. In its socio-political dynamics there is always a message that wants to be heard, known, understood, and then executed by the addressee, which is the organizer of state power, political power holders. In the perspective of constitutional law that  message  then  becomes  a  goal in organizing the state and then organized into a political structure as the procedures in the administration of the state in order to reach the goal of the state. The meaning of a more democratic state administration and based on law as a goal in the amendment of the 1945 Constitution was to provide a constitutional basis, (i) equal relationship between state and society based on rights and obligations in reciprocal nature; (ii) the equal relationship between state institutions based on checks and balances system; (iii) strengthening the independence and impartiality of judicial authority to guard the running of the legal and constitutional system. Review of egal products in state administration through judicial mechanism aims to provide a guarantee for the implementation of these relationships and the running of the legal and constitutional system in accordance with the 1945 Constitution.


2021 ◽  
pp. 54-63
Author(s):  
Artak Harutyunyan

This article deals with the military security potential of the state, its components, which, as you know, are not of constant value. They are changed depending on the stage of the development of a society, its potential, the nature of the existing regime, the maturity of the ruling political elite, and many other conditions. The aim of this study is to carry out a philosophical-political analysis of the military security of the state and its systems. In accordance with the aim of the study the following objectives are set: - to define the essence of the concept of «military security of the state» as one of the specific types of national security; - to consider the essence and content military security potential of the state; - to characterize the relationship between the essence of the terms «national» and «military» potential. Military security presents an integral interconnection of economic, social, political, scientific-technical, spiritual and just military capabilities, which differ from each other in their quality and internal structure. The allocation of these potentials forming in interaction an integral potential of military security allows directing the process of its development to turn the potential abilities of the state and society into an active factor that meets the requirements for the military security.


Author(s):  
Adeed Dawisha

This chapter discusses events following the demise of Iraq's monarchy in 1958. The demise of the monarchy was met with almost universal approval by the Iraqi people. During the first week after the military coup, huge demonstrations filled the streets of the country's major cities, all proclaiming their devotion and commitment for the infant republic and their support for the new military leaders. While the military's initial political moves suggested a promising proclivity for sharing power with like-minded civilians, it would not be long before those who had a monopoly over coercive force would hold sway over all institutions of the state. For the following decade, the military would radically and consequentially impact the ideas and institutions of governance, democracy, and identity.


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