European Imperialism and China’s Response in the 19th Century

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Halsey
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Imperial Court ◽  
Treaty Ports ◽  
Basic Vocabulary ◽  
New Policies ◽  
Intellectual Level ◽  
Unequal Treaties ◽  
The 19Th Century

During the 19th century, the great powers imposed a series of unequal treaties on China that violated the country’s sovereignty. These agreements guaranteed Europeans, Americans, and later the Japanese rights of extraterritoriality, opened an increasing number of treaty ports to international commerce, and fixed import tariffs at 5 percent to facilitate foreign penetration of Chinese markets. Qing officials launched an important reform movement called “Self-Strengthening” in the 1860s to enhance state power and combat foreign influence, and these efforts continued until China’s defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895. Although the imperial court in Beijing placed its imprimatur on this political program, the principal impetus for these changes came from high-ranking provincial authorities of Han Chinese ethnic extraction such as Li Hongzhang, Zhang Zhidong, and Ding Richang. Despite the partial political decentralization of the period, these reforms had a lasting impact. Over the course of a half century, the Self-Strengthening Movement and the subsequent New Policies (1901–1911) laid the foundation of a powerful military-fiscal state in China, a polity organized around the imperative of war-making. This form of political organization combined money, guns, and bureaucracy in new ways and replicated certain institutional features of European states without, however, transforming China into a poor imitation of “the West.” Officials augmented these core reforms with a series of state-sponsored enterprises in shipping, telegraphy, mining, and banking to develop a small modern sector within the economy. At an intellectual level, authorities such as Li Hongzhang formulated a new conception of statecraft focused on the pursuit of wealth and power to protect the empire’s sovereignty. Meanings of this term remained fluid prior to 1895, but together with ideas such as rights, independence, and commercial warfare it served as part of the basic vocabulary for this new philosophy of governance. In sum, the late Qing state amassed the sinews of power with considerable success, particularly in urban areas, and strengthened itself beyond the minimal threshold necessary to retain its independence during the height of European imperialism.

scholarly journals Map of Impact of Natural Hazards

2016 ◽  
pp. 69-77
Author(s):  
Maria BOSTENARU DAN ◽  
◽  
Cristina Olga Gociman ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Natural Disasters ◽  
Natural Hazards ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
German Research ◽  
History Of ◽  
Historical Photographs ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Impact

This paper investigates the mapping of the impact of natural hazards as included in several databases reviewed or created by the author. These are: - The database of the contribution of the session series “Natural hazards’ impact on urban areas and infrastructure”, convened and co-convened by the first author over 15 years at the European Geosciences General Assembly. - A database created from reviews of students supervised by the authors in frame of the course “Protection of settlements against risks” at the home university. - A collection of historical photographs from the 19th century on different natural and man-made hazards from the Canadian Centre for Architecture, the archive review of which has been performed by the first author and which will be subject of a book to be published about the time of the conference. -Two reviewed collections, one from the exhibition and book on “Images of disasters” (German research) and one on the book “Illustrated history of natural disasters” which include major disasters from the beginning of the mankind. In frame of the paper maps of the spread of data will be presented, created using both arcGIS online and GoogleMaps (see https://www.google.com/maps/d/edit?mid=zpbbz3WgVMBs.k-3vhGj- -l1M&usp=sharing), comparing the source and the type of hazard, to see eventual overlappings between the databases.

scholarly journals Eurocentrism and the Contribution of Ibn Khaldun to the Growth of Sociology

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Aboobacker Rameez
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
European Society ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
North African ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Ibn Khaldun ◽  
Rural And Urban ◽  
The 19Th Century

It is generally believed that sociology originated in Europe in the 19th century and the paternity of the discipline is commonly attributed to the French sociologist August Comte. However, reflections of a sociological nature were observed and found in the work of 14th century North African historian and philosopher Ibn Khaldun. However, such contribution of Ibn Khaldun is little acknowledged by European scholars in their works. Therefore, this paper attempts to examine how Eurocentrism is embedded in the writing of the European scholars and unpacks the contribution of Ibn Khaldun in the growth of Sociology. In the first part of essay, I argue that the perspective of European scholars are mainly Eurocentric and parochial in their accounts on culture, language and other aspects of non-European society. In the second part of the essay, I argue Ibn Khaldun’s contribution to the field of sociology is largely ignored, though his contributions dealt with the society and human character, political organization and government, differences between rural and urban populations, kinship, social solidarity, and the interplay between economic conditions and social organizations. Nevertheless, I argue that though Ibn Khaldun’s ideas have hugely impressed some of European thinkers in the 19th century prompting them to regard him as the progenitor of sociology, question remains as to how his ideas and theories have been appropriated by contemporary social scientists in their works.

„… wo der Dollmetsch allzeit interpretirt.“

2013 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Clara Reiter
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Professional Group ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Complex Group ◽  
Imperial Court ◽  
Main Components ◽  
The 19Th Century

AbstractThe present article focuses on court interpreters at the Imperial court of Vienna, who were employed in the Habsburg Monarchy from the early 16th century until the end of the 19th century. Based on the methodological concepts of professional intercultures introduced by Anthony Pym the article discusses the question whether or not court interpreters formed a professional group at the court. Different aspects of their profession such as competencies, remuneration, duties, reputation and their place in the organization of the court are discussed. For the application of Anthony Pyms model it will be shown that two main components, time and the intern differentiation of the group, are necessary to apply the model on a professional group like the court interpreters that was a highly complex group characterized by strong changes throughout their existence.

scholarly journals A general theory of power concentration: demographic influences on political organization

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-513 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Gerring ◽  
Matthew Maguire ◽  
Jillian Jaeger
Keyword(s):  
General Theory ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Causal Factor ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Empirical Measures ◽  
Cross Country ◽  
The 19Th Century

Why is the exercise of political power highly concentrated in some polities and widely dispersed in others? We argue that one important causal factor is demographic. Populous polities are characterized by less concentrated structures of authority. To explain this relationship, we invoke two mechanisms: heterogeneity and trust. The theory is demonstrated with a wide variety of empirical measures in cross-country analyses including most sovereign states and extending back to the 19th century. The result suggests the possibility of a ubiquitous ‘law’ of politics.

ESCALAS DE PODER: grupos polá­ticos no Maranhão oitocentista e sua relação com a Corte do Império

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (27) ◽  
pp. 141-161
Author(s):  
YURI COSTA
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Imperial Court ◽  
Political Factions ◽  
Siglo Xix ◽  
South Of Brazil ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Los Grupos ◽  
Political Groups

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar as nuances da relação entre as elites polá­ticas do Maranhão imperial e a Corte instalada no Centro-Sul do paá­s, buscando entender algumas das estratégias utilizadas para que esse tenso relacionamento respeitasse os interesses da Coroa sem deixar de dar vazão a anseios dos grupos polá­ticos locais. Busco, ainda, investigar o cenário polá­tico maranhense da segunda metade do século XIX, que testemunhou uma maior estabilidade no embate entre as facções polá­ticas da prová­ncia, organizadas em torno de dois principais partidos: o Conservador e o Liberal.Palavras-chave:  Maranhão. Século XIX. Grupos polá­ticos. Corte imperial.  SCALES OF POWER:  political groups in Maranhão of nineteenth century and their relationship with the Court of the EmpireAbstract:  the aim of this article is to analyze the nuances of the relationship between the political elites of Maranhão and the Court installed in the Center-South of Brazil, seeking to understand some of the strategies used for this tense relationship complied with the interests of the Crown without help give vent to the desires of the local political groups. I also seek to investigate the political scenario of Maranhão from the second half of the 19th century, which witnessed greater stability in the clash between the political factions in the province, organized around two main parties: the Conservative and the Liberal.Keywords:  Maranhão. The 19th Century. Political groups. Imperial court.  ESCALAS DE PODER: los grupos polá­ticos en Maranhão en el siglo XIX y su relación con la corte del ImperioResumen:  El objetivo de este artá­culo es analizar los matices de la relación entre las élites polá­ticas de Maranhão y la Corte instalada en el Centro-Sur de Brasil, tratando de entender algunas de las estrategias utilizadas para que esta relación tensa respetara los intereses de la Corona sin dejar de dar flujo a los anhelos de los grupos polá­ticos locales. Busco también investigar el escenario polá­tico de Maranhão de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, que ha atestiguado una mayor estabilidad en el enfrentamiento entre las facciones polá­ticas de la provincia, organizadas alrededor de dos principales partidos: el Conservador y el Liberal.Palabras clave: Maranhão. El siglo XIX. Grupos polá­ticos. Corte Imperial.

Territorial sovereignty and the end of inter-cultural diplomacy along the “Southern frontier”

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 878-903 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carsten-Andreas Schulz
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Cultural Diplomacy ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
European Politics ◽  
Dominant Form ◽  
Settler Societies ◽  
Mapuche People ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Principle Of Territoriality

European politics at the turn of the 19th century saw a dramatic reduction in the number and diversity of polities as the territorial nation-state emerged as the dominant form of political organization. The transformation had a profound impact on the periphery. The study examines how embracing the principle of territoriality transformed relations between settler societies and indigenous peoples in South America. As this shift coincided with independence from Spain, Creole elites rapidly dismantled the remnants of imperial heteronomy, ending centuries of inter-cultural diplomacy. The study illustrates this shift in the case of the “Southern frontier,” where Spain had maintained a practice of treaty making with the Mapuche people since the mid-17th century. This long-standing practice broke down shortly after Chile gained independence in 1818. What followed was a policy of coercive assimilation through military conquest and forced displacement — a policy that settler societies implemented elsewhere in the 19th century. In contrast to explanations that emphasize the spread of capitalist agriculture and racist ideologies, this study argues that territoriality spelled the end of inter-cultural diplomacy along the “Southern frontier.”

Chinese Entrepreneurs, the Government, and the Foreign Sector: The Canton and Shanghai Silk-Reeling Enterprises, 1861–1932

1984 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 353-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Y. Eng
Keyword(s):  
Raw Materials ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Opium War ◽  
Chinese Entrepreneurs ◽  
The Government ◽  
Treaty Ports ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Unequal Treaties ◽  
Economic Modernization

In the aftermath of the Opium War of 1839–42, China was continuously subjected to increasing Western political and economic penetration. The Treaty of Nanjing was only the first of a series of unequal treaties which led to the opening of over 100 treaty ports along the coast and in the interior of China. In many of these ports Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia, the United States, Japan and other imperialist powers set up concessions under their administration and outside Chinese jurisdiction. There their nationals could freely trade, invest in banking, industry and construction, and engage in missionary and other cultural activities. Thus, although China never completely fell under the direct control of any imperialist power, the treaty ports were functionally similar to the port cities of Western colonies as linkages to the metropolitan countries.Did these treaty ports serve as beachheads of imperialism which facilitated foreign extraction of raw materials, exploitation of a cheap labor market, and displacement by cheap imports of native handicrafts left unprotected by the loss of tariff autonomy, as neo-Marxist historians charge? Or, as the revisionist scholars contend, were they centers of political and economic modernization where Western ideas and institutions were communicated to the Chinese, and where Western entrepreneurship and capital not only pioneered in modern industry, but also prompted imitative responsesfrom Chinese entrepreneurs? And yet, did the ports fail to have any major impact at all on Chinese political organization and socio-economic development, as Chinese mercantile interests thwarted Western attempts to penetrate the economy?

The Representation of Interests in British Government: Historical Background

1957 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 613-650 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel H. Beer
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
British Government ◽  
New Policies ◽  
Representation Of Interests ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Welfare State

Out-of-date ideas—if they can only manage to survive long enough—are often put to new and surprising uses. A case in point is British Toryism. This pre-capitalist, pre-individualist, pre-liberal creed, one might think, ought surely to have died out during the 19th century. Yet not only has it survived into the era of socialism, it can also claim credit for having helped build the Welfare State. And today British socialists and Tories—both collectivists in a degree—often have more in common than either have with their fellow Liberals. Old traditions of strong government, paternalism and the organic society have made easier the modern re-assertion of state power.New policies usually produce new kinds of politics. For every major concept of public policy, Schattschneider has observed, there has been a different theory of political organization. Over a period of decades, British collectivism has created not only a new pattern of policy, but also a new structure of power, especially in the realm of political parties and interest groups. Along with a collectivist theory of policy has arisen a collectivist theory of representation. And the latter, like the former, is today supported in interesting and subtle ways by attitudes and ideas deriving from a distant past. The purpose of this article is to look at the historical background of certain of these attitudes—especially those concerning the role of interest groups in politics.

scholarly journals The Outside Perspective – The Treaty Port Press, the Meiji Restoration and the Image of a Modern Japan

2019 ◽  
pp. 93-114
Author(s):  
Andreas Eichleter
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Language ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Meiji Restoration ◽  
The North ◽  
Treaty Port ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Treaty Ports ◽  
Unequal Treaties ◽  
The 19Th Century

The Treaty Ports established by the Unequal Treaties in the middle of the 19th century were crucial spaces of interaction between Japan and the West. For a long time, they were the only places were foreigners were allowed to permanently reside in Japan. While the interior of the nation might be visited by Western travelers and globetrotters, the primary contacts, commercial as well as social and cultural, took place in the environment of the Treaty Ports, where the vast majority of foreigners resided and visited. Because of this exclusive role, the ports played a critical venue for the creation and formation of images of Japan, as well as their transmission abroad. This article focuses at the image of Japan generated in these Treaty Ports in the immediate aftermath of the Meiji Restoration. It will look at how the restoration and subsequent Japanese policies of modernization were perceived by the foreign communities in East Asia and how it was presented in the foreign language press in the Treaty Ports. This will be undertaken by the study of two of the most important foreign language newspapers of East Asia at the time, the North China Herald, published in Shanghai from 1850 to 1951, and the Japan Weekly Mail, published in Yokohama from 1870 to 1917. Both were amongst the largest and most influential newspapers in their respective communities, but also further abroad, and their pages reflect the understanding these communities had of Japan at the time. Furthermore, their comparison enables us to look at the creation of images, within the wider Treaty Port network of East Asia, and analyze how it differed or remained similar across the China Sea.

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