Nationalism, Liberation, and Decolonization in Angola

Author(s):  
Didier Péclard

Angolan independence was achieved on November 11, 1975, after a 14-year-long war. The war was the result of three overlapping dynamics. The first was Portugal’s refusal to consider the possibility of a negotiated settlement for the independence of its colonies in Africa. Under the dictatorial regime of António Salazar, Portugal had become extremely dependent on its colonies, both economically and politically, and was therefore, by the late 1950s, bent on maintaining its colonial empire. The second was the development of nationalist feelings among Angolan elites, which eventually materialized in the late 1950s to early 1960s in two—and, as of 1966, three—competing nationalist movements. The third constituted a series of popular grievances within sectors of the Angolan population, especially landless farmers and plantation workers in the north, against their growing marginalization and impoverishment due to exploitative colonial policies. This eventually led to three uncoordinated revolts in January, February, and March 1961 that marked the beginning of the war of independence. The division of Angolan nationalism into three competing movements—the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA)—was shaped by Angola’s long history of violent integration into Portugal’s colonial empire. The 20th-century Portuguese colonial state in Angola relied on the exploitation of the so-called native workforce through a vast system of forced labor and on taxation. It was also exclusionary and discriminatory, leaving very few avenues for upward social mobility for Angolan “natives.” It was therefore mostly at the margins of the colonial world that such mobility was possible, especially within Christian missions. The integration of these Angolan elite groups into the colonial world, or their exclusion, followed different paths according to local contexts and histories. As a result, the different lived experiences of the social groups that formed the backbone of the nationalist movement made it exceedingly difficult for them to agree on a common vision for independent Angola. This, together with the uncompromising thirst for power of the leadership of the three movements and Cold War logics, contributed to the civil war that engulfed the country at independence and lasted until 2002.

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 144
Author(s):  
Asjad Ahmed Saeed Balla

This paper tries to review the issue of Arabicization through languages policy in the Sudan by tracing the different periods of the ups and downs of this process in its social and political context. Arabization and Arabicization are two terms used to serve two different purposes. Arabization is the official orientation of the (ruling group) towards creating a pro-Arab environment, by adopting Arabic culture, Arabic language in addition to Islam as main features of Arabizing the Sudanese entity. The mechanism towards imposing this Arabization is through the use of Arabic, as the official language the group (government). Arabicization is an influential word in the history of education in Sudan. The Sudan faced two periods of colonialism before Independence, The Turkish and the Condominium (British-Egyptian) Rule. Through all these phases in addition to the Mahdist period between them, many changes and shifts took place in education and accordingly in the Arabicization process. During the Condominium period, the Christian missions tried strongly to separate the South Region from the North Region, and to achieve this goal the government fought against the Arabic language so it would not create a place among the people of the Southern Sudan. But in spite of all the efforts taken by the colonialists, Arabic language found its place as Lingua Franca among most of the Southern Sudan tribes. After independence, the Arabicization process pervaded education. Recently, the salvation revolution also has used Arabicization on a wider range, but Arabicization is still future project. Both Arabization and Arabicization are still controversial issues. 


Author(s):  
Eugénia Rodrigues

The peoples of early-21st-century Mozambique underwent different historical experiences which, to a certain extent, were homogenized when Portuguese colonialism encompassed the entire territory from the late 19th century onward. However, all of them had common origins, rooted in successive Bantu migrations. These peoples were organized into small chiefdoms based on lineages, but those located in the central region of Mozambique were integrated into states with some level of centralization, created by the Karanga south of the Zambezi and by the Maravi to the north. The interior regions were articulated into mercantile networks with the Indian Ocean through Swahili coastal entrepôts, exporting gold and ivory. From 1505 onward, the Portuguese sought to control this commerce from some settlements along the coast, particularly Mozambique Island, their capital. During the last decades of the 16th century, projects emerged for territorial appropriation in the Zambezi Valley, where a Luso-Afro-Indian Creole society developed. From the mid-18th century onward the slave trade to the Indian and Atlantic Oceans became increasingly important, with different impacts in the respective regions. Modern Portuguese colonialism was established by means of military campaigns: having limited capital, Portugal granted concessions for part of the territory to companies. When these concessions ended in 1942, the colonial state developed a direct administration throughout the territory, headquartered in Lourenço Marques (Maputo). Nationalist ideals developed during the 1950s among various movements, of which three organizations united to form the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) in 1962. From 1964 onward, FRELIMO unleashed an anticolonial war in northern and central Mozambique. After the 1974 revolution in Portugal, negotiations resulted in the recognition of Mozambique’s independence on June 25, 1975, and a FRELIMO government. Armed opposition to the Marxist-Leninist government and the civil war continued until 1992. During the 1990s, Mozambique adopted a multiparty system and liberalized its economy.


Author(s):  
Alexandra Nikolaevna NIKOLAEVA

We study the life path and social and political activity of Joseph Galloway – one of the most outstanding members of loyalist party during the American War of Independence in the North America. The history of loyalist movement remains one of the most controversial subjects of historical research. Over past decades, the most prominent historians have not deduced the amount, social compound and motivation of loyalists. Among “anti-heroes” of American Revolution J. Galloway traditionally attracts attention of many liberal and conservative historians. We examine the origins of outlook of the leader of loyalists in Pennsylvania, study J. Galloway’s views on political reforms in a proprietary colony and discusse the concept of Plan, proposed by him during the 1st Continental Congress in September 1774. We conclude that J. Galloway’s patriotic project – vital during Stamp Act repelling movement – became outdated at the beginning of the American War of Independence. Due to the influence of “New Colonial Politics” of G. Grenville and C. Townshend, absence of much needed political reforms and the cruelty of the British soldiers congress delegates stopped to believe in possibility of the Anglo-American union.


Author(s):  
Olaf Uwe Janzen

The final journal in the Research in Maritime History series offers a selection of papers by Olaf U. Janzen concerning the maritime history of eighteenth-century Newfoundland, reprinted from various publications and assembled here in chronological order. It explores themes of imperial dominance expressed by both the British and French empires in the struggle for sovereignty that ensconced the two nations. The Newfoundland fishery in the wake of the Treaty of Utrecht was also source of tension between British and French fishermen due to the fishery’s lucrative status. In attempt to integrate Newfoundland’s maritime history into the wider context of the North Atlantic world it examines the struggles of France as their maritime trade went into decline; the dominance of the British Royal Navy on the Atlantic Ocean; the struggle of indigenous Canadians to migrate to Newfoundland; and the efforts of America during the War of Independence to target the fishery when vulnerable. It consists of an introduction, twelve chapters exploring pertinent themes, and an appendix containing reprinted oil paintings of British artist Francis Holman depicting a naval engagement of 7-8 July 1777 involving numerous vessels.


2009 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID ANDERSON ◽  
NEIL CARRIER

ABSTRACTEfforts to institute a system for the control and prohibition of khat in Kenya are examined in this article. Prohibition was introduced in the 1940s after an advocacy campaign led by prominent colonial officials. The legislation imposed a racialized view of the effect of khat, seeking to protect an allegedly ‘vulnerable’ community in the north of the country while allowing khat to be consumed and traded in other areas, including Meru where ‘traditional’ production and consumption was permitted. Colonial policy took little account of African opinion, although African agency was evident in the failure and ultimate collapse of the prohibition in the face of widespread smuggling and general infringement. Trade in khat became ever more lucrative, and in the final years of colonial rule economic arguments overcame the prohibition lobby. The imposition of prohibition and control indicates the extent to which colonial attitudes towards and beliefs about cultural behaviour among Africans shaped policies, but the story also illustrates the fundamental weakness of the colonial state in its failure to uphold the legislation.


Antiquity ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 50 (200) ◽  
pp. 216-222
Author(s):  
Beatrice De Cardi

Ras a1 Khaimah is the most northerly of the seven states comprising the United Arab Emirates and its Ruler, H. H. Sheikh Saqr bin Mohammad al-Qasimi, is keenly interested in the history of the state and its people. Survey carried out there jointly with Dr D. B. Doe in 1968 had focused attention on the site of JuIfar which lies just north of the present town of Ras a1 Khaimah (de Cardi, 1971, 230-2). Julfar was in existence in Abbasid times and its importance as an entrep6t during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries-the Portuguese Period-is reflected by the quantity and variety of imported wares to be found among the ruins of the city. Most of the sites discovered during the survey dated from that period but a group of cairns near Ghalilah and some long gabled graves in the Shimal area to the north-east of the date-groves behind Ras a1 Khaimah (map, FIG. I) clearly represented a more distant past.


2020 ◽  
pp. 37-40

Genetic variety examination has demonstrated fundamental to the understanding of the epidemiological and developmental history of Papillomavirus (HPV), for the development of accurate diagnostic tests and for efficient vaccine design. The HPV nucleotide diversity has been investigated widely among high-risk HPV types. To make the nucleotide sequence of HPV and do the virus database in Thi-Qar province, and compare sequences of our isolates with previously described isolates from around the world and then draw its phylogenetic tree, this study done. A total of 6 breast formalin-fixed paraffin-embedded (FFPE) of the female patients were included in the study, divided as 4 FFPE malignant tumor and 2 FFPE of benign tumor. The PCR technique was implemented to detect the presence of HPV in breast tissue, and the real-time PCR used to determinant HPV genotypes, then determined a complete nucleotide sequence of HPV of L1 capsid gene, and draw its phylogenetic tree. The nucleotide sequencing finding detects a number of substitution mutation (SNPs) in (L1) gene, which have not been designated before, were identified once in this study population, and revealed that the HPV16 strains have the evolutionary relationship with the South African race, while, the HPV33 and HPV6 showing the evolutionary association with the North American and East Asian race, respectively.


2015 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-30
Author(s):  
Matt Sheedy

I interviewed Russell McCutcheon back in March 2015, about his new role as president of the North American Association for the Study of Religion (NAASR), asking him about the history of the organization, goals for his tenure, and developments for NAASR’s upcoming conference in Atlanta in November 2015.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Julius M. Gathogo

The Kenya Land and Freedom Army (KLFA), otherwise known as Mau-Mau revolutionary movement was formed after returnees of the Second World War (1939–1945) ignited the African populace to militarily fight for land and freedom (wiyathi nai thaka). John Walton’s theory of reluctant rebels informs this article theoretically, as it is indeed the political elites who inspired this armed struggle. To do this, they held several meetings in the capital city of Nairobi, drew the war structures from the national level to the sub-location level, especially in the central region of Kenya, and tasked locals with filling in the leadership vacuums that were created. In view of this, the article seeks to unveil the revolutionary history of the Mau-Mau medical Doctor, also known as Major Judge Munene Gachau (born in 1935), whose contribution in the Kenyan war of independence (1952–1960) remains unique. This uniqueness can be attested to by considering various factors. First, he is one of the few surviving leaders who joined the guerrilla forest war while he was relatively young. Normally, the Mau-Mau War Council did not encourage people below the age of 25 to join the rebels in the forest of Mt. Kenya, Aberdare Mountains and/or other places. Nor did they encourage adults past the age of 35 to join as combatants in the forest fight. Second, he is the only known Mau-Mau rebel in Kirinyaga county of Kenya to have gone back to school after the war had ended, traveled abroad, and studied up to a Masters degree level. Third, Munene Gachau belongs in the category that joined the rebels while still relatively educated and eventually got promoted to the rank of Major, upon being confirmed as the Mau-Mau Doctor.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document