KHAT IN COLONIAL KENYA: A HISTORY OF PROHIBITION AND CONTROL

2009 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID ANDERSON ◽  
NEIL CARRIER

ABSTRACTEfforts to institute a system for the control and prohibition of khat in Kenya are examined in this article. Prohibition was introduced in the 1940s after an advocacy campaign led by prominent colonial officials. The legislation imposed a racialized view of the effect of khat, seeking to protect an allegedly ‘vulnerable’ community in the north of the country while allowing khat to be consumed and traded in other areas, including Meru where ‘traditional’ production and consumption was permitted. Colonial policy took little account of African opinion, although African agency was evident in the failure and ultimate collapse of the prohibition in the face of widespread smuggling and general infringement. Trade in khat became ever more lucrative, and in the final years of colonial rule economic arguments overcame the prohibition lobby. The imposition of prohibition and control indicates the extent to which colonial attitudes towards and beliefs about cultural behaviour among Africans shaped policies, but the story also illustrates the fundamental weakness of the colonial state in its failure to uphold the legislation.

Itinerario ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 160-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joost Coté

This paper examines Dutch colonial discourse as it was developing at the beginning of the twentieth century. I argue that colonial circumstances were changing at the beginning of the twentieth century in many aspects - economic, political, social - and that these changes required new policy and administrative responses. I take as examples of these changing colonial conditions and responses, two episodes in the history of ‘the late colonial state’, which I argue are both representative of and formative in shaping, colonial policy in the last decades of Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Tatˈjana Aleksandrovna Nevskaja ◽  
Alla S. Kondrasheva

In the article, the authors attempted to consider changes in the general concept of the Caucasian war during the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries, depending on the political and ideological attitudes inherent in various historical stages. The key moments of this complex and ambiguous phenomenon are analyzed, which still cause heated discussions in science and society (name, dating, reasons, Caucasian muridism, problems of Muhajirism).It is indicated that historiography of the beginning of the twentieth century, as in the earlier period, did not dispute the legality of the establishment of Russian orders in the region. It is shown that in the Soviet period, the assessment of the movement of highlanders in the East and West Caucasus depended not only on a change in the historical paradigm, but also on a change in the general direction of state policy in the field of ideology (“national liberation struggle against tsarism”, “Shamil is a protege of Sultan Turkey and British colonialists","the struggle against the colonial policy of tsarism and against their own feudal lords"). Attention is drawn to the fact that the collapse of the USSR, the destruction of the Marxist concept of history, the development of national and separatist movements, the beginning of the Islamic revival in the North Caucasus contributed to the beginning of the active process of revising the assessments and events of the Caucasian War, which was the most striking event in the history of many peoples.The article concludes that, despite the abundance of work, scientists have not only yet to illuminate the little-studied aspects of the Caucasian war, but also to give an objective interpretation to many of its stages, based on scientific approaches, and not following political orders for the sake of one or another ideology.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
DAVID BAILLARGEON

This article examines the history of mining in British Southeast Asia during the early twentieth century. In particular, it focuses on the histories of the Burma Corporation and the Duff Development Company, which were located in British-occupied Burma and Malaya, respectively. It argues that despite being represented as “rogue” corporate ventures in areas under “indirect” colonial rule, the contrasting fates of each company—one successful, one not—reveal how foreign-owned businesses operating in the empire became increasingly beholden to British colonial state regulations during this period, marking a shift in policy from the “company-state” model that operated in prior centuries. The histories of these two firms ultimately demonstrate the continued significance of business in the making of empire during the late colonial period, bridging the divide between the age of company rule and the turn toward state-sponsored “development” that would occur in the mid-twentieth century.


Author(s):  
Eugénia Rodrigues

The peoples of early-21st-century Mozambique underwent different historical experiences which, to a certain extent, were homogenized when Portuguese colonialism encompassed the entire territory from the late 19th century onward. However, all of them had common origins, rooted in successive Bantu migrations. These peoples were organized into small chiefdoms based on lineages, but those located in the central region of Mozambique were integrated into states with some level of centralization, created by the Karanga south of the Zambezi and by the Maravi to the north. The interior regions were articulated into mercantile networks with the Indian Ocean through Swahili coastal entrepôts, exporting gold and ivory. From 1505 onward, the Portuguese sought to control this commerce from some settlements along the coast, particularly Mozambique Island, their capital. During the last decades of the 16th century, projects emerged for territorial appropriation in the Zambezi Valley, where a Luso-Afro-Indian Creole society developed. From the mid-18th century onward the slave trade to the Indian and Atlantic Oceans became increasingly important, with different impacts in the respective regions. Modern Portuguese colonialism was established by means of military campaigns: having limited capital, Portugal granted concessions for part of the territory to companies. When these concessions ended in 1942, the colonial state developed a direct administration throughout the territory, headquartered in Lourenço Marques (Maputo). Nationalist ideals developed during the 1950s among various movements, of which three organizations united to form the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) in 1962. From 1964 onward, FRELIMO unleashed an anticolonial war in northern and central Mozambique. After the 1974 revolution in Portugal, negotiations resulted in the recognition of Mozambique’s independence on June 25, 1975, and a FRELIMO government. Armed opposition to the Marxist-Leninist government and the civil war continued until 1992. During the 1990s, Mozambique adopted a multiparty system and liberalized its economy.


Clay Minerals ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-541 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. J. Pearson

AbstractClay mineral abundances in Mesozoic and Tertiary argillaceous strata from 15 exploration wells in the Inner and Outer Moray Firth, Viking Graben and East Shetland Basins of the northern North Sea have been determined in <0·2 µm fractions of cuttings samples. The clay assemblages of more deeply-buried samples cannot be unambiguously related to sedimentary input because of the diagenetic overprint which may account for much of the chlorite and related interstratified minerals. Other sediments, discussed on a regional basis and related to the geological history of the basins, are interpreted in terms of clay mineral provenance and control by climate, tectonic and volcanic activity. The distribution of illite-smectite can often be related to volcanic activity both in the Forties area during the M. Jurassic, and on the NE Atlantic continental margin during the U. Cretaceous-Early Tertiary which affected the North Sea more widely and left a prominent record in the Viking Graben and East Shetland Basin. Kaolinite associated with lignite-bearing sediments in the Outer Moray Firth Basin was probably derived by alteration of volcanic material in lagoonal or deltaic environments. Some U. Jurassic and L. Cretaceous sediments of the Inner Moray Basin are rich in illite-smectite, the origin of which is not clear.


Africa ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Leopold

AbstractThis article outlines the history of a people known as ‘Nubi’ or ‘Nubians’, northern Ugandan Muslims who were closely associated with Idi Amin's rule, and a group to which he himself belonged. They were supposed to be the descendants of former slave soldiers from southern Sudan, who in the late 1880s at the time of the Mahdi's Islamic uprising came into what is now Uganda under the command of a German officer named Emin Pasha. In reality, the identity became an elective one, open to Muslim males from the northern Uganda/southern Sudan borderlands, as well as descendants of the original soldiers. These soldiers, taken on by Frederick Lugard of the Imperial British East Africa Company, formed the core of the forces used to carve out much of Britain's East African Empire. From the days of Emin Pasha to those of Idi Amin, some Nubi men were identified by a marking of three vertical lines on the face – the ‘One-Elevens’. Although since Amin's overthrow many Muslims from the north of the country prefer to identify themselves as members of local Ugandan ethnic groups rather than as ‘Nubis’, aspects of Nubi identity live on among Ugandan rebel groups, as well as in cyberspace.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (08) ◽  
pp. 604-610
Author(s):  
Tanmay Munjal

Large scale censorship and control over the free flow of information on the internet that was already implemented on a large scale in many authoritarian countries in China in the past few decades has started to work its way through the more liberal and western countries including India, US etc. especially in the last decade raising concerns over privacy issues and the possibility of a dystopian future of tyrannical governments empowered by the use of digital surveillance technology to increase their power and make them essentially undefeatable on a level unforeseen in the history of humanity among many great thinkers in our era. In this paper, we wish to outline a method to not only combat but to completely eliminate both the possibility and current usage of all censorship and control over flow of information on the internet, hence heralding an era of free flow of information throughout the world and destroying practically all mind control that tyrannical governments can hold over their people, in essence ending the era of propaganda and tyranny from the face of this earth forever, using blockchain technology.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kellie Moss ◽  
Deborah Toner

Whilst the impact of drugs on the culture of Caribbean societies and Indigenous populations is well documented, their role in maintaining influence over an ethnically diverse population and regulating labour productivity are frequently overlooked. In this paper we examine the use of drugs as a means of compelling and retaining labour in British Guiana during the nineteenth century. We also assess changes over time in how the colonial state managed concerns that the use of intoxicants threatened its control over the labouring population through licensing laws, carceral institutions and the criminalisation of certain drugs.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-65
Author(s):  
M R Hasanov

The Article examines the preconditions of the struggle of the mountaineers Sevres-Eastern Caucasus in the 20-50-ies of the XIX century On the basis of analysis of sources and existing literature reveals the principal causes of the struggle of the mountaineers against the colonial policy of tsarism and the local rulers. It stresses that the dissatisfaction of the highlanders was caused by construction on arable land fortresses, device the so-called fortified lines with the Cossack settlements, permanent mobilization of the local population to build roads, fortresses, requirements, burdensome taxes and the heavy duties and activities assigned to mountain communities and possession of the king's officers and the commandant of managers to intervene in the internal life of the highlanders. The article talks about the brutal repression used by the Royal officials in relation to the unhappy mountaineers - the burning of entire villages, destruction of crops and grain reserves, the destruction of the gardens - all this aroused the indignation of the mountaineers and led to the struggle against tsarist oppression and local feudal lords. The article is subjected to criticism the concept of M. M. Bliev, if the mountaineers lived by raids on their neighbors. His thesis is that in the first half of the nineteenth century the mountaineers have experienced a period of expansion of tribal relations, not only clarifies the issue of their struggle in the 20-50 years of the XIX century, but also confuses the history of the peoples of the region. The publication highlights how local authorities based on the Royal arms, brutally oppressed rank and file of the highlanders, were taken from their last horse or bull, the last under the grain in the tax bill. The article presents material about the ill-treatment of Aslan-Khan Kyurinsky and the other lords with their subordinates. The feudal lords levied a population with taxes and duties at its discretion, enriched by direct robbery. Therefore, according to the article, the idea of anti-colonial protest in the minds of the highlanders were merged with the anti-feudal aspirations.


Author(s):  
Giovanni R. Ruffini

The history of the medieval Nubian state begins as it ends, in a state of decentralization. The core of that state emerges through the unification of Nobadia in the north and Makuria in the center of the Nubian heartland, perhaps at some point in the 7th century. Makuria’s relationship with Alwa to the south is less clear, but some unification seems to have obtained there as well, in the 11th century. The Nubian state’s relationship with the wider world is variable. Nubia sometimes ignores or challenges its northern Islamic neighbors, and at other times defers to them or aggressively courts their diplomatic favor. Dotawo, the indigenous name for Nubia at least in later centuries, is still strong in the face of invasions in the 12th century, but shows signs of internal dynastic instability in later periods. Ongoing Egyptian interference in Nubian civil wars, coupled with increasing levels of Arab immigration to Nubia, destabilizes the Nubian state and returns it to its original fragmentation.


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