Gilberto Freyre and the Politics of Culture, 1930–1980

Author(s):  
Maria Lúcia Pallares-Burke

Although his views on the subject were changeable and difficult to define, Gilberto Freyre was interested in politics from his youth onwards. He had a brief political career as assistant to the Governor of Pernambuco (1926–1930) and as a deputy in the Constituent Assembly (1946–1950), where he spoke for the North East. He had what he called a “quasi-political” career as a journalist for most of his long life and he was also a cultural manager who founded or supported institutions that spread the ideas he believed in. More importantly, his central interests and ideas had political implications. He was accused of “Bolshevism” for his emphasis on the African element in Brazilian culture. His regionalism embodied a protest against centralization and standardization. His lifelong interest in architecture included a concern with housing for the poor that was hygienic and environmentally friendly, and also with the conservation of colonial buildings to serve as an inspiration for a Brazilian style of modern architecture. As a scholar, Freyre supported what he called the “tropicalization” of the social sciences, freeing them from generalizations based simply on European and North American experience. His view of Brazil in terms of culture instead of race implied that the government should be concerned with the health and education of the poor rather than with “whitening” the country by encouraging immigration from Europe. His idea that mixture was the core of Brazilian identity was taken up by governments from Vargas to Lula, while his idea of “Luso-Tropicalism,” claiming that the Portuguese were more flexible and benevolent colonizers than other nations, was used as a defense against critics of colonialism by the Salazar regime.

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Yanhar Jamaluddin ◽  
Fitriani Fitriani ◽  
Safrida Safrida ◽  
Warjio Warjio

This article was prepared on the background where the poor in North Sumatera are powerless and have no ability to place their position and role in government and development, whileefforts to empower the poor have not been optimally carried out by the North Sumatera Provincial government. This article was prepared to discuss ways to make the poor in North Sumatera powerless, and outline strategies and models to empower the poor in North Sumatera. The poor are powerless and the risk poses a factor of poverty, physical weakness, isolation, improvement, and powerlessness, the poor are not managed and tend to be left by the government, and are not liked by the community. The strategy for empowering the poor in North Sumatera can be carried out through the Need for Strengthening program, Strengthening Human Resources, Strengthening Institutions, Strengthening Access to Communication and Information, Strengthening Networks - Partnerships, and Strengthening Participation. While the effective model of Poor Community Empowerment in North Sumatera is an Advantage and Change Model (ACM)


2010 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 273
Author(s):  
Michael J Kelly ◽  
Sean Watts

In the aftermath of the Cold War, many began to question the continuing efficacy, or at least call for reform, of collective security structures such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United Nations Security Council. Yet, North East Asia never enjoyed a formal, institutionalised collective security structure. As Russia and the United States recede and China emerges in North East Asia, this article questions whether now is the time to consider such an arrangement. Financially, Japan and South Korea are locked into a symbiotic relationship with China (as is the United States), while the government in Beijing continues to militarise and lay territorial and maritime claims to large areas of the region. Moreover, the regime in North Korea, with its new nuclear capabilities, remains unpredictable. Consequently, central components to the question of collective security in North East Asia are the equally vexing questions of what to do about North Korea and whether a new formalised security arrangement would include or exclude the People's Republic of China.


1885 ◽  
Vol 38 (235-238) ◽  
pp. 14-23 ◽  

In the following communication I desire to make known to the Society some of the results which I obtained by means of grant given to me by the Government Grant Committee. Brief and incomplete as these notes on the fossil plants must necessarily be at the present stage, they will, I trust, serve to disclose how enormously increased our knowledge must become when the study of these plants shall have been completed.


1918 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-311
Author(s):  
William R. Manning

It was two years after the United States formally declared for the recognition of the new Latin-American states and after several Spanish-American states had been recognized before the question of recognizing Brazil arose. When, in April, 1824, Rebello presented himself in Washington as the Brazilian chargé, a difference of opinion arose in Monroe’s cabinet, because Brazil was a monarchy, while all of the other American governments were republics, and some hoped that monarchy might have no foothold on the continent. Others, however, advocated the recognition of Brazil the more strongly because it was a monarchy in order to show the world that it was the fact of independence which actuated the United States rather than the form of government.The opposition to recognition was strengthened by recent news of a formidable separatist movement in the north, with Pernambuco as a center, the purpose of which was to establish an independent republic under the name of the Federation of the Equator. This; raised a serious doubt whether the government at Rio de Janeiro were really in effective control. It was reported, too, that the assistance of French naval vessels had been accepted in order to repress the Pernambuco revolt. This conjured up the specter of the so-called Holy Alliance, for the exclusion of which from America Monroe’s famous message of the preceding December had declared. There was also a strong suspicion, supported by persistent rumors, that Dom Pedro (who had allowed himself to be made Emperor when in 1822 Brazilian independence from Portugal was declared, who had summoned a constituent assembly and then quarreled with it and finally forcibly dismissed it because it proved too liberal to suit his ideas of prerogative, and who had appointed a council that had drawn up a fairly liberal constitution in harmony with his wishes which he had not yet taken the oath to observe) really wished to restore Portuguese sovereignty and rule Brazil as a vassal of his father, the King of Portugal. About the middle of May, however, word came that in the preceding March the Emperor had taken the oath to the constitution of the independent Brazilian Empire. After Rebello had given assurances concerning the suppression of the slave trade and the observance of treaties that had been negotiated with Portugal, he was formally received by President Monroe as Brazilian chargé on May 26, 1824. He expressed his gratitude that “the Government of the United States has been the first to acknowledge the independence of Brazil.”


This interesting species of trypanosome appears to be widely distributed in Uganda. It was first discovered by the Commission in two cattle which came from Kavirondo, the district lying to the north-east of Victoria Nyanza. These oxen were driven to Kampala round the north end of the Lake, and probably became infected on the way. Then the Government Transport Department lost many of their oxen from this trypanosome. They were worked between Kampala, the native capital, and Luzira, the port on the Lake-shore, which lies about seven miles to the south-east. When the epidemic. broke out these cattle were kraaled near the Lake-shore, along which they were allowed to graze, and where tsetse-flies are numerous. Afterwards, at the suggestion of the Commission, they were kraaled at Kampala, when the epidemic stopped, and no more deaths from Trypanosoma vivax occurred among them.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bifatife Olufemi Adeyese, ◽  
Ishola Kamorudeen Lamidi

This study examines the extent to which the Nigerian journalists comply with ethical values in the course of their reportage. Two national dailies – The Nation and Daily Trust newspapers were selected for content analysis, using systematic random sampling technique to pick 26 editions per newspaper. A period of six months from 14 December 2014 to 14 June, 2015, covering the 4th phase of the state of emergency was chosen. Tables, figures, and sample percentage counts were employed in making the research data easily understandable. The findings revealed that though the newspapers appeared to be ethically compliant in their reportage, none of the two newspapers was neutral in its reportage of the state of emergency rule. Majority of their stories were considered unpleasant and capable of aggravating the crisis in the troubled states. The hypothesis were tested, one showed that there is a significant difference between the number of news stories and the number of ethical breaches in the selected newspapers; hypothesis two showed a significant difference between ethically breaching and ethically standard reports/content of the selected newspapers; hypothesis three showed a significant difference between the ethical breaching of Daily Trust and those of The Nation –X2 = 0.09; P<0.05, df1. The study therefore, recommends that journalists should always have a healthy regard for the public interest, desist from slavish adulation and join hands with the government in bringing about lasting peace to the troubled states and desist from publishing inflammatory stories.


2010 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-211
Author(s):  
Komol Singha

With the emergence of globalization, economic integration among nations has become a necessity. Cross border trade is the most important medium of the current wave of globalization. In this process, knowingly or unknowingly the North East economy has emerged in to a new dimension of cross border trade (informal trade) with neighboring nations and that increases Social Welfare of the poor masses of the region. But the formal arrangements, like ‘Look East Policy’ stumbles the social welfare of the region. Border trade is the first and foremost important component of globalization and informal trade is multiple times more than the formal trade in this region. By this process, sustainable development is generated and it is visible now in this region. With the help of primary and secondary data, this paper tries to analyze the impact of globalization or cross border trade in the North East India (NEI). How far this globalization through cross border trade increases social welfare or generates sustainable economic development of the region is the core issue of this paper. For this purpose, the author has selected Nagaland as an area of study. Of late, the Government has initiated several pro-active measures to strengthen its economic growth further. In this direction, India’s Look East Policy is worth mentioning. Under this policy, India seeks economic cooperation with ASEAN and other neighbouring countries through the gateway of the North-Eastern Region. Despite initiatives of economic development, still the process is not heading towards the right direction. There are some institutional lacunae in this process. This paper is the modest attempt to highlight these lacunae and tries to recommend some feasible suggestions to overcome in this direction.


Author(s):  
Satyendra Kr. Pandey

This paper is an attempt to study the inter-state border disputes in north-east India with special reference to Assam-Nagaland border conflict in the border areas of Golaghat district. The north-east region of India comprising of eight states has been gradually transforming into a conflicting area that breaks the harmony between the states and also undermines the concept of north-east India as a prosperous and culturally rich region of India. Due to some social, political and economic issues, this north east India divided into various states which were under the same umbrella at a time. Several inter-state disputes take place in this region with the upcoming of political and social unrest. The Naga insurgency that started in the late 1950’s is known as one of the unresolved armed conflicts in India. So, through this paper the researcher makes an attempt to study how the recent Naga-Assamese clash happened in the border areas of Golaghat district is responsible for breaking down of communal harmony, humanity, and inter-state peace process. As the dispute between Assam and Nagaland is currently the most prominent with a history of violent clashes between border areas, this paper aims to concentrate mainly on this issue. Moreover this paper will try to examine the role of the government regarding the above issue. Thus the above issues will be highlighted in the paper.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaydeep Sarangi

An interview with a reputed writer from the North East India.Mamang Dai is a significant Indian English poet and novelist from Itanagar, Arunachal Pradesh. She was correspondent with the Hindustan Times, Telegraph and Sentinel newspapers and President, Arunachal Pradesh Union of Working Journalists. She also worked with World Wide Fund for nature in the Eastern Himalaya Biodiversity Hotspots programme. She has received the Verrier Elwin Award from the State government of Arunachal Pradesh (2003) and Padma Shri from the Government of India (2011).Mamang Dai’s books include: Arunachal Pradesh: The Hidden Land (non-fiction, 2003/2009); The Legends of Pensam (novel, 2006); The Sky Queen and Once Upon a Moontime (illustrated folklore for young readers, 2003); Stupid Cupid (novel, 2008); Mountain Harvest: The Food of Arunachal (non-fiction, 2004); River Poems (2004); and The Black Hill (novel, 2014); Hambreelsai’s Loom (2014): El bálsamo del tiempo/The balm of time (bilingual poetry edition, 2008); Midsummer Survival Lyrics (poetry, 2014).


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 29-42
Author(s):  
Maryam Idris Abdulkadir

The crises from the northeastern part of Nigeria and neighbouring countries especially around the Lake Chad region (Cameroun and Chad) have created a lot of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees in the country. This has led to creation of such camps that are scattered all over the country, that is, in the North East, South, South East and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. A lot of humanitarian crises occur in such camps, the most disturbing of which is a violation of certain fundamental human rights, like right to liberty and right to dignity, exploitation and sexual assault. This has led to the creation of Refugee and IDP camps. This article examined the role that law clinics can play in addressing the legal issues highlighted. The history and development of legal education in Nigeria and how it gave birth to law clinics was traced. Moreover, the causes of creation of refugee and IDP camps were discussed. The article recommends that law clinics, through social justice, access to justice and client interview, can play a tremendous role in addressing the legal problems faced by the inhabitants of the camps, and this will also help achieve one of the learning outcomes of the course which deals with humanitarian law. The article further states that the presence/role of law clinics will not only benefit the students of the law clinic and the inhabitants of the camps but also benefit the Federal Government of Nigeria through data collection and statistics from these camps, and it will be a means for the government to curtail human rights violation in such areas.


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