Alcohol

Author(s):  
Sir Ian Gilmore ◽  
William Gilmore

Alcohol has been used for thousands of years and, indeed, in very different ways. Two thousand years ago, the occupying Romans sipped wine regularly but reasonably moderately, and marvelled at the local English serfs who celebrated bringing in their crops with brief episodes of unrivalled drunkenness. The use of alcohol was not only tolerated but sometimes encouraged by the ruling classes as a way of subjugating the population and dulling their awareness of the conditions in which they had to live and work. The adverse impact of gin consumption was famously recorded by Hogarth’s painting of ‘Gin Lane’ but, at the same time, beer was reckoned a safer alternative to water for fluid intake and was linked to happiness and prosperity in the sister painting of ‘Beer Street’. It was against the ‘pernicious use of strong liquors’ and not beer that the president of the Royal College of Physicians, John Friend, petitioned Parliament in 1726. Some desultory attempts were made by Parliament in the eighteenth century to introduce legislation in order to tax and control alcohol production but they were eventually repealed. It was really the onset of the Industrial Revolution in nineteenth-century England that brought into sharp relief the wasted productivity and lost opportunity from excess consumption. England moved from a rural, relatively disorganized workforce to an urban, more closely scrutinized and supervised one—for instance, in factories, where men needed their wits about them to work heavy machinery, workers that were absent (in body or mind) were noticed. And, in Victorian Britain, there arose a greater social conscience—an awareness, for example, of the harm, through neglect, inflicted on the children of those who spent their wages and their days in an alcoholic stupor. Nonetheless, the per capita consumption of alcohol in the UK at the end of the nineteenth century was greater than it is today. It fell progressively through the first half of the twentieth century, with two marked dips. The first coincided with the introduction of licensing hours restrictions during the First World War, and the second with the economic depression of the 1930s. Following the Second World War, there was a doubling of alcohol consumption between 1950 and the present day, to about 10 l of pure alcohol per capita. There has been a small fall of 9% in the last 5 years; this may be, in part, related to the changing ethnic mix and increasing number of non-drinkers. There has always been a mismatch between the self-reported consumption in lifestyle questionnaires, and the data from customs and excise, with the latter being 40% greater. From the latter, it can be estimated that the average consumption of non-teetotal adults in England is 25 units (0.25 l of pure alcohol) per week, which is well above the recommended limits of 14 units for women, and 21 units for men. Of course, average figures hide population differences, and it is estimated that the heaviest-consuming 10% of the population account for 40% of that drunk. While men continue to drink, on average, about twice the amount that women do, the rate of rise of consumption in women has been steeper. Average consumption is comparable across socio-economic groups but there is evidence of both more teetotallers and more drinking in a harmful way in the poorest group. In 2007, 13% of those aged 11–15 admitted that they had drunk alcohol during the previous week. This figure is falling, but those who do drink are drinking more. The average weekly consumption of pupils who drink is 13 units/week. Binge drinking estimates are unreliable, as they depend on self-reporting in questionnaires. In the UK, they are taken as drinking twice the daily recommended limits of 4 units for men, and 3 units for women, on the heaviest drinking day in the previous week. In 2010, 19% of men, and 12% of women, admitted to binge drinking, with the figures being 24% and 17%, respectively, for those aged 16–24. The preferred venue for drinking in the UK has changed markedly, mainly in response to the availability of cheap supermarket drink. Thirty years ago, the vast majority of alcohol was consumed in pubs and restaurants, whereas, in 2009, the market share of off-licence outlets was 65%. However, drinkers under 24 years of age still drink predominantly away from home. The UK per capita consumption is close to the European average, but consumption has been falling in Mediterranean countries and rising in northern and eastern Europe. Europe has the highest consumption of all continents, but there is undoubtedly massive under-reporting in many countries, particularly because of local unregulated production and consumption. It is estimated that less than 10% of consumption is captured in statistics in parts of Africa.

2003 ◽  
Vol 20 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 159-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Håkan Leifman

This study examines trends in alcohol consumption in Sweden from 1990 to 2002, with the emphasis on the period after 1995 with Sweden as a member of the European Union (EU). The specific aim of the study is to study gender-specific and age-specific trends in self-reported consumption by means of five general population surveys conducted between 1990 and 2002. Trends in the proportion of high consumers were also studied. Alcohol sales and estimates of unrecorded consumption indicate that Swedish per capita alcohol consumption (per person aged 15 or older) rose by approximately 27 per cent, from 7.8 litres of pure alcohol in 1990 to 9.9 litres in 2002. Approximately 90 per cent of this increase has occurred since 1996. Analyses of self-reported consumption from survey data confirm this trend with more than a 30 per cent increase for both genders (aged 16–75 years) since 1996. Among women, this is mainly due to increased wine consumption, and among men to augmented consumption of wine as well as beer. Furthermore, the proportion of high consumers has increased – and more so than the per capita consumption. The study also shows that changes in consumption during the period of 1990 to 2002 differ for the various gender-and age-specific groups. Among women, for in-stance, the increase since 1996 has been strongest for the oldest women (50–75 years of age), and since 1998 statistically significant only among this group. The weakest, and thus not statistically significant, increase has occurred among women between the ages of 30 and 49. It is important to track the changes not only among men and women and various age groups, but also in the different sub-groups of the population, since changes in per capita consumption are strongly related to changes in different alcohol-related problems. Other groups of importance are e.g. various social classes (including the long-term unemployed and people on long-term disability benefits), regions, family units and, not least, different drinking groups, including high consumers. Improved knowledge of how consumption changes in different socio-demo-graphic groups will also improve our understanding of the causes and mechanisms behind changes in alcohol consumption in society.


2020 ◽  

BACKGROUND: Harmful alcohol consumption has a negative impact on the health and social lives of individuals. Alcohol consumption is risky for the development of non-communicable diseases, can lead to the development of serious illnesses, and, unfortunately, can lead to death, injuries, or accidents. Societies and especially individuals should be more involved in the reduction of harmful alcohol consumption. AIM: The paper deals with the analysis of the status of, and trends in, the consumption of pure alcohol per capita in the EU countries between 1980 and 2015. Correlation analysis was conducted to detect the association between the per capita consumption of alcohol and some selected socio-economic indicators. METHODS: Statistical characteristics, such as average, median, range, standard deviation, and the coefficient of variation were used to describe the level of the per capita consumption of pure alcohol in the EU. Boxplot figures detected the extremely high/low levels of the indicators that were analysed. Index numbers were used to calculate the relative change in alcohol consumption. The existence of a linear relationship was discovered through correlation analysis. Useful figures helped to present the status or change in the per capita consumption of alcohol and the relationship between alcohol consumption and selected indicators. RESULTS: The trend of the per capita consumption of pure alcohol in the EU was positive. The average per capita consumption of alcohol declined from 12.9 litres in 1980 to 10.4 litres in 2015. Not only did the average or median consumption decline, but also the variability of alcohol consumption per capita declined till 2010. The greatest reduction was found for the Mediterranean countries: Italy (-57.3%), Spain (53.3%), Greece (-49.7%), and France (37.4%). On the other hand, in some “new” EU countries an increase in the per capita consumption of alcohol occurred, the highest being in Estonia. On the EU level, no statistically significant correlation was discovered between the per capita consumption of alcohol and gross domestic product per capita or between alcohol consumption and countries’ unemployment rates.


Author(s):  
J. Misfeld ◽  
J. Timm

AbstractOn the basis of numerous research results and data on the development of nicotine and condensate contents of German cigarettes, of their respective shares in the market, the smoked length of cigarettes, and of the pro capita consumption of cigarettes in the Federal Republic of Germany, an estimate has been prepared on the yearly pro capita consumption of smoke condensate and nicotine in the Federal Republic covering the years 1961-1970. The values for 1961 amount to 40.2 g of smoke condensate (crude) and to 2.04 g of nicotine. The values for 1970 are found to be only 29.4 g and 1.63 g respectively. That means that the consumption of smoke condensate and nicotine in the Federal Republic has decreased during the last ten years. The share of smokers having remained almost the same, the consumption of smoke condensate and nicotine per smoker is, as well, found to have decreased by about 27 % and 20 % respectively during the years between 1961 and 1970 despite an increased cigarette consumption.


The present study, dealing with the inequality in consumption of the rural households across the different regions, is based upon the primary data of the Punjab state. The analysis showed that Malwa excelled other two regions in the per capita consumption. The highest average propensity to consume was observed for Doaba, and it was the lowest for Malwa. All the rural households except large farm of all the three regions and medium farm households of Malwa and Majha were in deficit. Considering all households together, the inequality of household consumption expenditure was relatively high in all three regions, with the same being highest in Majha, followed by Malwa and Doaba. The concentration of consumption expenditure among the land-owning households was greater than the landless households.


2012 ◽  
Vol 102 (4) ◽  
pp. 1206-1240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vivi Alatas ◽  
Abhijit Banerjee ◽  
Rema Hanna ◽  
Benjamin A Olken ◽  
Julia Tobias

This paper reports an experiment in 640 Indonesian villages on three approaches to target the poor: proxy means tests (PMT), where assets are used to predict consumption; community targeting, where villagers rank everyone from richest to poorest; and a hybrid. Defining poverty based on PPP$2 per capita consumption, community targeting and the hybrid perform somewhat worse in identifying the poor than PMT, though not by enough to significantly affect poverty outcomes for a typical program. Elite capture does not explain these results. Instead, communities appear to apply a different concept of poverty. Consistent with this finding, community targeting results in higher satisfaction. (JEL C93, I32, I38, O12, O15, O18, R23)


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Cesar R. Sobrino

In this study, we use the co-movements approach to examine the role of permanent (common trend) and temporary (common cycle) shocks on per capita output, per capita consumption, and per capita investment in Peru, a small open commodity-based economy. Using quarterly data from 1993: Q1 to 2019: Q1, the effects of the temporary shocks are short-lived, and, on average, are a minor source of the variations of macro time series, over 10 quarters. This evidence suggests that the main source of per capita output and per capita consumption variations is the common trend shock which must be related to the 1990s reforms. Moreover, per capita output and per capita consumption are less responsive to unfavorable (favorable) common cycle shocks than per capita investment is. This outcome indicates that per capita investment has a much more volatile cycle than per capita private output and per capita consumption which is consistent with a previous empirical work.


2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tyler T. Yu ◽  
Miranda M. Zhang

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; margin: 0in 37.8pt 0pt 0.5in; mso-pagination: none;"><span style="font-family: &quot;CG Times&quot;,&quot;serif&quot;; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">This paper discusses the per-capita consumption of imports aspect of international trade.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>A research hypothesis is tested to investigate if there is a significant difference among G-7 countries in per-capita consumption of imports and the implication of the testing results for the U.S. - Japan bilateral trade deficit.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>The results of the ANOVA and the Kruskal-Wallis test yield insignificant variation in per-capita consumption of imported goods/services among the G-7 countries.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>The study recapitulates the reason(s) for the U.S. trade deficit with Japan and essentially states that factors other than trade barriers and restrictions cause the U.S. trade deficit with Japan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>While this result may initially seem counterintuitive and inconsistent with popular wisdom, it may actually help uncover the true causes for the sustained trade deficit with Japan.</span></span></p>


1990 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 177-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vernon L. Robinson ◽  
Willard R. Fey

Abstract A projection of future timber demand was developed from historical data on per capita consumption and population and compared with the projection from the USDA Forest Service's "The South's Fourth Forest: Alternatives for the Future." The accumulated discrepancy between these methodologies amounts to 71 billion cubic feet over the period 1986-2030. Reason suggests that both rising real prices and changing consumer preferences are forcing per capita consumption of industrial wood down and that population projections may be substantially less than those used due to social changes that have drawn women into the work force. In the presence of a highly inelastic stumpage demand and supply, even a small decrease in projected consumption would bring about a disproportionate fall in prices. Hence, the dire consequences resulting from rapidly rising future stumpage prices in the South may not materialize. South. J. Appl. For. 14(4):177-183.


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