Introduction

Author(s):  
Nathan Spannaus

Qursawi’s reformism is conventionally described as rejecting Islamic tradition and ulama authority in favor of secular “enlightenment,” a view that is irretrievably flawed. Addressing this historiography, which connects Qursawi to Jadidism, this chapter argues that it is based on unfounded and anachronistic premises that skew his historical memory and obscure his contributions. Instead, Qursawi must be viewed from within Islamic tradition, and accordingly his thought is approached from the perspective of Islamic intellectual history. This chapter connects research into Qursawi with the literature on contemporary reformism in the 18th-century Islamic world, and it establishes the present study’s theoretical perspective on the Islamic scholarly tradition, viewing it as a discursive tradition operating through institutions, which are shaped by historical circumstances and therefore shape Islamic discourse in turn.

Arabica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-35
Author(s):  
Naser Dumairieh

Abstract The Ḥiǧāz in the 11th/17th century has long been considered the center of a “revival” movement in ḥadīṯ studies. This assumption has spread widely among scholars of the 11th-/17th- and 12th-/18th-century Islamic world based on the fact that the isnāds of many major ḥadīṯ scholars from almost all parts of the Islamic world from the 11th/17th century onward return to a group of scholars in the Ḥiǧāz. The scholarly group that is assumed to have played a critical role in the flourishing of ḥadīṯ studies in the 11th/17th-century Ḥiǧāz is called the al-Ḥaramayn circle or network. However, to date, there have been no studies that investigate what was actually happening in that century concerning ḥadīṯ studies. Examining the actual ḥadīṯ studies of one of the scholars at the core of al-Ḥaramayn circle, i.e. Ibrāhīm b. Ḥasan al-Kūrānī, will unpack the main interest of Ḥiǧāzī scholars in ḥadīṯ literature, reveal previously unstudied aspects of ḥadīṯ studies in the 11th/17th-century Ḥiǧāz, correct some unexamined assumptions, and situate the ḥadīṯ efforts of scholars of the 11th/17th-century Ḥiǧāz within a general framework of developments within ḥadīṯ studies.


ALQALAM ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
MASRUKHIN MUHSIN

The word hermeneutics derives from the Greek verb, hermeneuin. It means to interpret and to translate. Hermeneutics is divided into three kinds: the theory of hermeneutics, the philosophy hermeneutics, and the critical hermenmtics. Hasan Hanfi is known as the first scholar who introduces hermeneutics in the Islamic World through his work dealing with the new method of interpretation. Nashr Hamid Abu-Zaid is another figure who has much studied hermenmtics in the classical interpretation. Ali Harb is a figure who also much involved in discussing the critism of text even though he does not fully concern on literature or art, but on the thoughts. Muslim thinker who has similar view with Ali Harab in seeing that the backwardness of Arab-Islam from the West is caused by the system of thoguht used by Arah-Muslim not able to come out of obstinary and taqlid is Muhammad Syahmr. On the other side, ones who refuse hermeneutics argue that since its heginning, hermeneutics must be studied suspiciously because it is not derived from the Islamic tradition, but from the unbeliever scientific tradition, Jews and Chrtians in which they use it as a method to interpret the Bible. Practically, in interpreting the Qur'an, hermeneutics even strengthens something, namely the hegemony of scularism-liberalism in the Muslim World that Muslims must actually destroy. Keywords: Hermeneutics, Tafsir, al qur'an


2009 ◽  
pp. 5-46
Author(s):  
Silvio Ferrari

- An examination of a country's Constitution offers useful pointers for understanding how the state in question conceives and regulates its relationship with religion. In this essay, the author analyses the constitutions of all the countries of the world, considering three groups of enactments: the ones that concern a constitution's inspiring ideals and principles, the ones that deal with the sources of law and, lastly, the ones that regulate the relationships between the state and religions. An examination of this material paints a picture of the position accorded to religion in each country's legal system and above all highlights the differences attributed to the cultural and religious background that inspires them: in particular, the differences between the Western countries with a Christian tradition and the Arabian countries with an Islamic tradition, but also the differences found, within the Islamic world itself, between Arabian and non-Arabian countries. While recognising that any comparison between constitutions needs to be completed by an analysis of other sources of legislation and jurisprudence, this article indicates several directions for future research to develop on this work.


2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-57
Author(s):  
Thomas Harrison

This paper draws upon analogy with better documented slave societies (the medieval Islamic world, and the 18th-century Caribbean) to argue, first, that the institution of slavery was a major factor in fostering a discourse on the differences among foreign peoples; and secondly, that Greek ethnographic writing was informed by the experience of slavery, containing implicit justifications of slavery as an institution. It then considers the implications of these conclusions for our understanding of Greek representations of the barbarian world and for Greek contact with non-Greeks.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 144-183
Author(s):  
Y. Tzvi Langermann

Miʿrāj al-duʿāʾ wa-mirʾāt al-dawāʾ (“The Ascent of Prayer and the Mirror of Medication”) by Muḥammad ʿAlī al-Qazwīnī, a Shiʿite presumably working in eastern Iraq in the eighteenth century, gathers information on methods for rejuvenation and longevity from different traditions: traditional Islamic (mainly Shiʿite), Greek, and Indian. The last of these are a set of recipes for rasayanas, herbal and chemical recipes drawn from Indian sources. Though some rasayanas are mentioned in earlier Arabic treatises, the collection displayed in Miʿrāj al-duʿāʾ is by far the most extensive. Hardly any are mentioned in earlier Arabic texts. Miʿrāj al-duʿāʾ, then, contributes an important chapter to the ongoing interchange between India and the eastern Islamic world. Unlike the majority of treatises which deal with India, it is written in Arabic rather than Persian, though not a few loan words are employed. I present here an edition, translation, and analysis of the relevant chapter.


1993 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-135
Author(s):  
Michael Dummett

Playing cards were introduced into Europe from the Islamic world in the second half of the 14th century, forming packs with essentially the same structure as now, but with different suit-signs and court figures. Trick-taking games were certainly among those games which were introduced with the cards used to play them; but trumps and bidding were later European inventions. The former of these ideas derives from the games played with the Tarot pack (which was not associated with fortune-telling or the occult until the late 18th century); the latter from the Spanish game of Ombre, once fashionable all over Europe.


1968 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Osman S. A. Ismail

‘Surra-man-raā’, says Mas'ūdī, ‘is the last the great cities founded in Islam.’ Seven in all, till the time of Mas'ūdī, these were according to him: Baṣra, founded in 17/638–9; kūfa, founded in 17/638–9; Fusṭāṭ, founded in 20/640–1; Ramla and Wāsiṭ, founded in 13–14/634–6; Baghdād, founded in 145/762–3; and surra-man-ra'ā, founded in 221/834–5. The one common feature was that, except for Ramla, these towns were all garrison centres. Built on the edge of the desert, the natural refuge for the predominantly nomadic Arab invading armies. the first five cities maintained all along an Arab-Islamic tradition. Emerging almost at the same time (save for Ramla) and marking at the respective moments of their emergence, historical landmarks in the rapid expansion of the Islamic empire in its first stages of growth, these five cities were populated on the whole by Muslim Arabs, who were to safeguard the conquests and gradually absorb rather than be absorbed by other elements. These cities were thus able to maintain that Arab-Islamic tradition which, challenged later by the heterogeneous cultural heritage of what became the Islamic World, proved strong enough to make and keep that world Islamic, though not wholly Arbic. This result was the fulfilment of the policies of the Caliph 'Umar I, under whose reign the major Islamic conquests were made and who, for direct strategic reasons, advised his generals to encamp their troops on the borders of the desert Arab lands and of the newly acquired territories.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-253
Author(s):  
DANIEL BEBEN

AbstractIn this study I examine the presentation of Saladin and the Crusades within the genre of Persian universal histories produced from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century. While a number of recent studies have begun to explore the place of the Crusades in the historical memory of the Islamic world, to date little attention has been given to the question of the manner in which the ensuing Mongol conquests affected subsequent Muslim memory of the Crusades. In this article I argue that historiographers of the Mongol and post-Mongol eras largely sought to legitimate the conquests through evocation of heresy and by celebrating the Mongols’ role in combating alleged heretical elements within Muslim society, most notably the Ismāʿīlīs. While Saladin is universally remembered today first and foremost for his re-conquest of Jerusalem from the Crusaders, within the context of the agenda of Persian historiography of the post-Mongol era the locus of his significance was shifted to his overthrow of the Ismāʿīlī Fatimid dynasty in Egypt, to the almost complete exclusion of his role in the Crusades. This article challenges long-standing assumptions that the figure of Saladin was largely forgotten within the Muslim world until the colonial era, and instead presents an alternative explanation for the supposed amnesia in the Muslim world regarding the Crusades in the pre-modern era.


Author(s):  
Özcan Hıdır

AbstractAlthough it is difficult to determine the first Western scholar to claim the influence of Judaic culture on hadiths or tried to relate hadiths to the biblical texts, the Frenchman Barthelmy d’Herbelot (d. 1695) was the first orientalist to claim that many chapters in the hadith literature, including al-kutub al-sitta, were borrowed from the Talmud.The ideas and claims of some Western scholars such as Alois Sprenger, Ignaz Goldziher, Georges Vajda, and S. Rosenblatt up to the end of the 18th century led to many discussions that were defended and developed with new arguments by many Western scholars. Nowadays, the reflection of these claims in the Islamic world has become a serious hadith problem. In addition to the role of the conversion movement in the early Islam and the first Jewish converts to Islam, the non-Arabs known as almawālī, especially in the Ummayad period, and poets like Umayya ibn Abi al-Salt of the Jāhilliya period, who were believed to have read the early holy books, and preachers, are the most important factors playing a role in this influence. This study attempts to analyze the claims, opinions, and factors from the perspectives of the Islamic literature and Muslim scholars’ views towards the Jewish‐Christian tradition.


Author(s):  
D.E. Martynov ◽  
◽  
G.P. Myagkov ◽  

The paper reviews the collective monograph published by the Center for Intellectual History of the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IWH RAS). The reviewers consider the theoretical and factual information presented in the monograph in the context of the analysis of both general and specific characteristics of historical memory. The study of historical memory is possible through the analysis of specific political and intellectual practices of the era of early and mature modernity. The use of J. Rusen’s methodology was justified. According to this methodology, historical memory can be regarded as an “unconscious ideology,” which will inevitably be mythological, because it links the memories of an individual with an integral image of the past. From the aforesaid, it may be seen that the compound term “past – for – present”, which expresses the direction of historical memory, can be introduced. The term is reflected in the title of the monograph under review. The substantive features of strategies for the development of historical memory based on ideologemes were considered by the authors using the example of Russia, Great Britain, Poland (the ideology of Sarmatism), and Bolivia (the ideology of Indianism).


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