Migrants as Agents of Democratization?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael S. Danielson
Keyword(s):  
Research Design ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Home Country ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Ethnographic Data ◽  
The Impact ◽  
High Migration

How do migrants affect the political systems of their municipalities of origin? This chapter seeks to understand the factors that lead to a range of possible outcomes. To do this, it employs a comparative subnational research design to analyze ethnographic data gathered from 12 high-migration municipalities in the states of Oaxaca, Guanajuato, and Zacatecas. The chapter documents how migrants have interacted with home-country political actors and evaluates the impact of these interactions. Migrant engagement resulted in some form of increased political competition in 6 of the 12 municipalities studied; in all but one of these cases, the result was factionalism and a divided opposition at best, and deep and violent social conflict at worst. In the remaining 6 municipalities, dominant political actors either incorporated migrants into the prevailing system by establishing neocorporatist equilibria or successfully blocked the influence of migrant actors all together, despite high levels of migration.

Corruption and Political Order

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hazel Gray
Keyword(s):  
Public Finance ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Economic Transformation ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Capital Flight ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Political Settlement ◽  
The Way

This chapter contrasts the way that the political settlement in both countries shaped the pattern of redistribution, reform, and corruption within public finance and the implications that this had for economic transformation. Differences in the impact of corruption on economic transformation can be explained by the way that their political settlements generated distinct patterns of competition and collaboration between economic and political actors. In Vietnam corrupt activities led to investments that were frequently not productive; however, the greater financial discipline imposed by lower-level organizations led to a higher degree of investment overall in Vietnam that supported a more rapid economic transformation under liberalization than in Tanzania. Individuals or small factional networks within the VCP at the local level were, therefore, probably less able to engage in forms of corruption that simply led to capital flight as happened in Tanzania, where local level organizations were significantly weaker.

scholarly journals Clan hierarchy as the basis of the “tulip revolution” in Kyrgyzstan

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
S. A. Voronin ◽  
E. A. Bakina
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The North ◽  
External Forces ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
North And South

In 2005, the so-called Tulip Revolution took place in Kyrgyzstan. In terms of form and content, the events that took place in Kyrgyzstan fully fit into the concept of protest movements (velvet, melon, jasmine and other revolutions) that unfolded at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries. The start to such “revolutions” aimed at changing the regime was given in 1953, when the Prime Minister of Iran Mossadyk was removed from power during the coup d’etat, which was supervised by the CIA. An analysis of the events in Kyrgyzstan showed that behind the coup that led to the overthrow of President Askar Akayev, there were external forces coordinating their efforts in accordance with the methodological recommendations of the American technologist of political coups Gene Sharpe. However, external actions, for all their significance, did not become the main cause of the Tulip Revolution, but acted only as a catalyst. Over the centuries, in Kyrgyzstan there has been a complex of internal contradictions between various political groups, which became the detonator of a political cataclysm in 2005. One of the most significant internal causes of the political crisis of 2005 was the clan rivalry of the North and South in the struggle for power. The clan hierarchy has been the foundation of the political systems of Central Asia for centuries; Kyrgyzstan was no exception. The article is devoted to the consideration of the mechanism of the clan hierarchy, the analysis of political competition between the North and the South, the role and importance of clans during the 2005 coup.

Questione morale e crisi di regime. La prima Repubblica italiana alla prova degli scandali (1992-1994)

2009 ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Jean Lpuis Briquet
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
Before And After

- According to the standard thesis, the political crisis in Italy between 1992 and 1994 and the collapse of the Christian Democrat regime are related to the revelation of corruption of the political elite by the judiciary. However, judicial revelations and corruption scandals have regularly occurred in Italy, before and after this crisis, without provoking a drastic political change and the reject of the political system by the electorate. Considering this paradox, the article suggests an alternate account of the 1992-1994 events that underline the way in which the political competition had been affected by the scandals: the moral crusades against corruption had in this period a political impact because they had been relayed and supported by emerging political actors in order to challenge the established elites and to claim a leading role in reshaping the political system.

scholarly journals Political Competition and Local Government Performance: Evidence from Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jahen Fachrul Rezki
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Instrumental Variables ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Public Spending ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Performance ◽  
Standard Deviation Increase ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Impact

This paper analyses the impact of political competition on local government performance in Indonesia. This study uses a new database that covers 427 districts in Indonesia, from 2000 to 2013. In Indonesia, local governments are largely responsible for fulfilling basic service delivery and, in this regard, they are extremely powerful. Political competition is measured using the Herfindahl Hirschman Concentration Index for the district parliament election. This variable is potentially endogenous, because political competition is likely to be non-random and correlated with unobservable variables. To solve this problem, I use the lag of political competition for neighbouring districts within the same province, as well as the political competition from the 1955 general election, as instrumental variables for political competition. The degree of political competition has been found to boost real Regional Gross Domestic Product (RGDP) per capita by 1.9%. Furthermore, a one standard deviation increase in political competition would increase RGDP growth by approximately 0.81%. The results also support the findings of previous studies, which have found that stiffer political competition is associated with higher public spending (e.g. infrastructure spending) and pro-business policies.

Political Regimes, Economic Freedom, Institutions and Growth

2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdiweli M. Ali ◽  
W. Mark Crain
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Economic Freedom ◽  
Civil Liberty ◽  
Political Freedom ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Empirical Results ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
The Impact

Abstract The impact of political systems on economic growth cannot be understood solely in terms of a simple distinction between democratic and non-democratic regimes. The democratic character of the political regime may be irrelevant when economic freedom is assessed independently from political freedom and civil liberty. This paper uses newly constructed measures of economic freedom by Gwartney-Lawson-Block [1996]. The empirical results of this paper show that economic freedom contributes to economic growth irrespective of the nature of the political regime. The empirical results also indicate that the effect of democracy on economic growth is ambiguous at best. Nonetheless, democracy may have some effect on economic growth, operating indirectly through the investment channel.

Comment: African Arts and Political Science

1962 ◽  
Vol 5 (02) ◽  
pp. 27-29
Author(s):  
James S. Coleman
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Social Stratification ◽  
Holistic Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Stratification System ◽  
The Impact

The study of Africa has helped to further several healthy trends in the development of the discipline of political science. Confrontation with the rich variety of structural forms and modes of human expression of contemporary Africa has compelled the political analyst to look beyond the narrow “political” realm and conventional “political” structures for a more complete understanding and explanation of political phenomena. This African impact upon the discipline has come at a most propitious time—a time of intensive self-criticism from which at least three new emphases in research are beginning to emerge. One is the holistic approach reflected in efforts to classify and to compare political systems as wholes. A second approach, obviously related to the first but independently pursued by its proponents, is an ever-increasing explicit concern with non-political factors (e. g., the family, voluntary associations, the economic system, the social stratification system, cultural values, and so forth) as they may be related to and effect the political system and political behavior. Here, the impact of other disciplines, and particularly sociology, anthropology and psychology, is clearly manifest not only in the type of data gathered but in such neologisms as “political socialization” and “political acculturation.”

Some Correlates of Regime Support in Canada

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allan Kornberg ◽  
Harold D. Clarke ◽  
Lawrence Leduc
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
Matters Of Concern ◽  
Nation Wide Survey ◽  
Regime Support ◽  
The Impact

This paper is concerned with the distribution and foundations of public support for the political regime in Canada. Support for the regime historically has been a matter of concern to Canadian elites. The recent provincial electoral victory of the Parti Québécois, a party dedicated to making Quebec an independent nation, has made regime support and maintenance matters of concern to average citizens as well. The analyses that follow are based upon data gathered in a nation-wide survey of the Canadian electorate in 1974. We focus on the following areas: the extent to which socio-demographic and attitudinal variables conventionally employed in studies of political behavior are related to levels of regime support; the relationships between the direction and strength of partisanship and support for the political regime; the relationships between attitudes toward key political institutions and political actors and the level of regime support; and finally, the effects of major structural and cultural factors (i.e. federalism and regionalism) on support for the regime. From the perspective of comparative political analysis, research in these areas allows us an opportunity to comment on and expand the base of the existing empirical research on regime support. From the more particular perspective of Canadian politics, our analysis may help to clarify the impact on regime support of ethnicity, regionalism, federalism and a British-model parliamentary system.

scholarly journals Ethno-territorial Protest Movements and the Politics of Accommodation in Centralized and Decentralized Political Systems

1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Lammert
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Third ◽  
New Concepts ◽  
Economic Modernization ◽  
Centralization And Decentralization

The main purpose of the paper is to explain the divergent paths of development of ethno-territorial protest movements in modern democratic political systems. By focusing on the interaction between these movements and the state, the different systems of accommodation between the relevant regional and central elites will be analyzed. The study concentrates on the case studies of Québec (Canada) and Corsica (France). The paper is divided into three parts. The first part describes the traditional systems of accommodation in France and Canada. The second part is focused on the process of socio-economic modernization in the 1950s and 1960s in those countries that threatened the established patterns of elite accommodation. The third part deals with the consequences for the established patterns of elite-accommodation and new concepts of territorial management that the central states tried to establish. By looking at the different degrees of centralization and decentralization in the mentioned political systems, the question of access to the political system by new social and political actors will be discussed in detail.

scholarly journals POLA REKRUTMEN POLITIK BERDASARKAN IDEOLOGI PARTAI POLITIK DALAM SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN INDONESIA

1970 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-124
Author(s):  
Else Suhaimi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The Political ◽  
Freedom Of Association ◽  
Recruitment Pattern ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Recruitment ◽  
Party Ideology

Political recruitment is a process of selecting and selecting a person or several members of the community to occupy and exercise certain political roles as cadres of political parties, legislators, as president and vice president and as regional head. In the Indonesian state system, this political recruitment is left to political parties. The rise of political parties as a result of freedom of association and assembly on the one hand is a reflection of democracy but on the other hand the large number of political parties will give rise to increasingly tight competition between political parties. The increasing competition makes political actors easily trapped in political pragmatism. Political pragmatism as a short-term orientation of political actors to win political competition is power. Power as the ultimate goal of the political competition. Political pragmatism has had a significant impact on the formation of pragmatic recruitment patterns. The pattern of pragmatic recruitment has spawned many problems, especially issues related to the quality of recruitment results. One of them is that many of the political elites are facing legal problems such as corruption and so on. Under these conditions emerged initiatives to present a systematic and structured pattern of political recruitment. One of the indications is that political recruitment is based on the ideology of political parties. The ideology of a political party is broadly divided into recruitment based on Islamic ideology (religion) and other ideologies such as nationalism. the closer the party ideology to the party recruitment pattern will result in quality recruitment and visionary cadres. on the contrary, the further distance the party ideology with the party recruitment pattern will result in a pragmatic recruitment. The results of recruitment have a close relationship with the quality of products produced, especially product legislation.   Kata Kunci : pola rekrutmen, partai politik, sistem ketatanegaraan

IN THIS ISSUE

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Henning Melber
Keyword(s):  
South African ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Home Country ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Research Articles ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Republic Of The Congo ◽  
The Impact

In the first of two Research Articles, diaspora in a sub-regional context is the focus of the micro-study by Saint José Inaka. His analysis of the political clashes between militant and non-militant oriented. Congolese factions in Pretoria draws attention to a hitherto largely unknown phenomenon. The fights between grassroots activists relating to differences in political support in the Democratic Republic of the Congo have since the 2000s expanded into the local arena of the South African capital. Until then mainly a domain of middle classes and elites operating transnationally, the dividing line is less between those for or against the Kabila government than those for or against the use of violence. According to Inaka, Pretoria's leniency towards the militant combattants allows them to limit the activities of those preferring peaceful means in support of change at home. Interestingly, the author submits that being exposed to the South African democracy has the impact of setting an example and reference point for how Congolese would like to be governed in their home country.

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