scholarly journals Protest Groups and Physical Violence

2019 ◽  
pp. 19-25
Author(s):  
Anne Nassauer

Chapter 1 lays the basis for the analyses in subsequent chapters by summarizing the protest groups and types of violence examined in this book. A first section takes a closer look at the protest groups discussed in chapters 2 to 8: the 1960s student movements in the United States and Germany, the new social movements, and the global justice movement protests. It describes involved social movement groups and discusses their claim-making, their membership composition, their stance toward violence, the frequency of such groups clashing with police, as well as police perceptions of them. A second section discusses the definition of violence used in the book. Highlighting different concepts of violence, it argues for a concise definition of physical interpersonal violence—as actions injuring or killing another person. This definition also allows examination of whether other types of actions often labeled “violence,” such as property damage, may foster interpersonal violence.

Author(s):  
Udi Greenberg

This chapter considers the new vision of democracy ushered in by the generation of the 1960s. Unlike the architects of the postwar order, left-wing students challenged, rather than celebrated, the legitimacy of elected institutions and party politics. Parliaments were merely stages for oligarchies, tools for self-perpetuating elites. In both West Germany and the United States, students claimed that state institutions inevitably reinforced rigid hierarchies and oppressive norms. A “true” democracy could not be built by state agencies. Rather, it would emerge from “autonomy,” from small organizations, student movements, NGOs, and, later, human rights organizations. When the frustration and anger of this new generation exploded in protest in the late 1960s, German émigrés were among its main targets. Student journals and pamphlets frequently attacked and ridiculed the leading thinkers of the older generation. Such criticism was especially ferocious in West Germany, where returning émigrés came to represent Cold War ties with an amoral and depraved United States.


Author(s):  
Jairo N. Fuertes ◽  
Arnold R. Spokane ◽  
Elizabeth Holloway

Chapter 1 provides a formal definition of counseling psychology, citing various though similar definitions that are found on the Web sites of professional organizations, including the Society of Counseling Psychology (Division 17 of the American Psychological Association) and the American Board of Counseling Psychology (the certifying board for counseling psychologists in the United States and Canada). It also offers five unifying themes whose interplay and complementary nature distinguish counseling psychology from other psychological specialties, the uniqueness of counseling psychology, a brief history of the specialty, the culture of competence, and the founding of the American Board of Professional Psychology (ABPP).


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Mosca

This article focuses on the political use of the Internet by the Italian Global Justice Movement (GJM) considering both the organizations and the individuals involved in the movement. First, a definition of the concept ‘political use of the Internet’ and its operationalization is provided. Second, light is shed on how the Internet is used politically by participants in social movements taking into account their organizational and participatory experiences. Data were gathered with quantitative and qualitative instruments during different researches: a survey of participants in a demonstration against the ‘Bolkestein’ directive and a series of interviews with representatives of different organizational sectors of the Italian GJM, complemented by a qualitative website analysis of the same organizations. While quantitative data allows for controlling relations among variables concerning the political use of the Internet by individuals, qualitative data provides more detailed information on Internet use in the everyday life of activists and organizations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 184-199
Author(s):  
Yurii Kostenko

Abstract. The article highlights the history of radiological weapons ban negotiations. In 1948, the United Nations Commission on Conventional Armaments identified radiological weapons as WMD. Since as early as the 1960s, some states have put forward proposals to ban radiological weapons at the international level as potentially threatening human lives and the environment. In 1977 to 1979, a treaty banning radiological weapons was approved on the basis of a draft developed at bilateral Soviet-American negotiations in Geneva, which could have become an important impetus for further actions in limiting the arms race. The careful preparation of the text of the future treaty by the USSR and US delegations raised expectations that its finalisation by the Disarmament Commission would not take much time. The reality, however, was far different. In December 1979, the Afghan war broke out. In response to the Soviet aggression against Afghanistan, the United States took a whole set of measures, including the refusal to continue bilateral talks on the prohibition of radiological weapons. The author notes that control over radioactive materials was strengthened at the national level, without waiting for an international legal definition of radiological weapons. Political ambitions of a number of countries have prevented the Conference on Disarmament from achieving positive results. The author emphasises that today nuclear terrorism is regarded by world leaders as an urgent global-scale security threat, as confirmed by the international Nuclear Security Summit in Washington, D.C. in 2016, attended by delegations from over 50 countries. The author states that the issue of the radiological weapons prohibition remains pending. Keywords: radiological weapons, Conference on Disarmament, Ukrainian diplomatic history, USA, Geneva, USSR.


Author(s):  
Emile G. McAnany

This chapter traces the beginnings of the field of communication for development (c4d), from the very early years of development aid with Harry S. Truman's “Four Points” speech to Congress in 1949 through the 1960s and the early definition of the modernization-diffusion paradigm that set the direction of c4d for at least two decades. It also examines the three founding texts of c4d: Daniel Lerner's The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (1958), Everett Rogers's Diffusion of Innovations (the 1962 first edition), and Wilbur Schramm's Mass Media and National Development: The Role of Information in Developing Countries (1964). Finally, the chapter looks at the major histories of the general field of communication study to better understand how the beginnings of the c4d field grew organically from the first period of mass communication studies in the United States. It concludes that c4d is intimately tied to the emerging mass communication field in the context of the cold war and national and international institutions providing funding for development and communication projects.


2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 359-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Hadden ◽  
Sidney Tarrow

This article focuses on a seemingly paradoxical sequel to the 1999 Seattle WTO protests: the weakening of the global justice movement in the United States. While the movement has flourished in Europe, it seems largely to have stagnated in the American context. This outcome cannot be explained by either American exceptionalism or by a general decline in activism in the wake of the tragedies of 9/11 and the Iraq War. First comparing expressions of the American and European global justice movements and then turning to original data on social movement organizing in Seattle after 1999, we argue that the weakness of the American global justice movement can be tied to three key factors: (a) a more repressive atmosphere towards transnational protest; (b) a politically inspired linkage between global terrorism and transnational activism of all kinds; and (c) what we call "social movement spillout." We further argue that the strongest movement since September 11th—the antiwar movement—exemplifies a broader trend in the United States towards the "spillout" of transnational activism into domestic protest.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (6) ◽  
pp. 1005-1033
Author(s):  
Tara Gonsalves

In this article, I argue that the medical conceptualization of gender identity in the United States has entered a “new regime of truth.” Drawing from a mixed-methods analysis of medical journals, I illuminate a shift in the locus of gender identity from external genitalia and pathologization of families to genes and brain structure and individualized self-conception. The sexed body itself has also undergone a transformation: Sex no longer resides solely in genitalia but has traveled to more visible parts of the body, implicating racialized aesthetic ideals in its new formulation. The re-imagining of gender identity as genetically and neurologically inscribed and the expanding locus of sex correspond to an inversion of the relationship between gender identity and the sexed body as well as shifts in medical jurisdiction. Whereas psychiatrists in the 1960s, ’70s, and ’80s understood gender as stemming from genital sex, the less popular idea that gender identity precedes the sexed body has gained traction in recent decades. If gender identity once derived from the sexed body, the sexed body must now be brought into alignment with gender identity. The increasing legitimacy of self-defined gender identity, the expanding definition of racialized sex, and the inversion of the sex–gender identity relationship elevates the role of surgeons in producing racialized and sexed bodies.


2021 ◽  
pp. 152483802110302
Author(s):  
Travis N. Ray ◽  
Michele R. Parkhill

Hostile masculinity and its components (i.e., sexual dominance, hostility toward women, adversarial sexual beliefs, rape myth acceptance, and acceptance of interpersonal violence) have received considerable research attention as predictors of male-perpetrated sexual aggression toward women. The current systematic review sought to synthesize and organize the extant literature. Studies were included in the systematic review if they were published in a peer-reviewed journal between the years 1990 and 2020, contained a male sample within the United States, analyzed quantitative data, and examined at least one component of hostile masculinity and its association with sexual aggression. Literature searches were conducted in three academic databases, and additional records were identified through references sections from known hostile masculinity research. A total of 95 articles met inclusion criteria and were integrated into the overview of results. The reviewed literature provided broad support for the association between hostile masculinity and sexual aggression, including evidence for the theoretical framework posited by the confluence model of sexual aggression. Prevention efforts are likely to find success by modifying hostile masculine characteristics among men, particularly within problematic environmental contexts. However, the review also highlighted the need for a uniform conceptualization and operational definition of hostile masculinity. Additionally, empirical work with diverse samples is necessary to determine the scope of generalizability and potential subcultural distinctions. Future research that addresses these limitations will contribute to the understanding and prevention of sexual aggression beyond what is provided by the extant literature.


Author(s):  
A. A. Shumakov

This paper examines and explores in detail the key theoretical aspects and leading ideological and political trends of The black rights movement in the United States in the 1960s. As the main sources, the author uses the works and speeches of its most famous representatives, such as: Martin Luther king, Malcolm X, Stokely Carmichael, Huey Percy Newton, Robert Seal, Eldridge cleaver, highlighting the main trends and dominant trends. Materialistic dialectics is suggested as the main research method. This makes it possible to consider the process of formation of the Movement for the rights of african americans directly in development. The author not only conducts a comparative analysis of various trends and ideological and political views of the most prominent representatives of this movement, but also does it in dynamics, explaining the nature and mechanism of qualitative changes taking place using the laws of materialistic dialectics. In particular, the opposing classical concepts of integrationism and black nationalism, which underlie the definition of the notorious ambivalence of african-american consciousness, were replaced in the second half of the 1960s by revolutionary black nationalism and revolutionary socialism, which negate the previous two and are simultaneously closely related to them. As a conclusion, the concept of understanding the qualitative transformations of The black rights Movement in the United States is proposed, and parallels are drawn with the current rise of the socio-racial movement, taking place within the same discursive Reld, which was finally formed in the 1960s and continues to dominate the protest-minded part of the african-american population to this day. This gives the author the opportunity to make a forecast for the future development of the situation in the United States and the scenario of the Movement.


Author(s):  
Benedetta Zavatta

Chapter 1 investigates the reasons why the Emerson-Nietzsche relationship tended to be played down, where it was not frankly and entirely denied, for almost a century. This is not a matter of chance but rather the sign of a long-protracted political and cultural hostility between Germany and the United States, with Nietzsche and Emerson being elevated to the status of cultural icons in their respective countries. This chapter considers the reception of Emerson in Europe during Nietzsche’s lifetime and the stereotype of Emerson as an Idealist mystic, innocently optimistic and unaware of social problems that had become disseminated there. Also considered is the reception of Nietzsche in the United States and the myth of his complicity in Nazism—a myth exploded only after the publication, from the end of the 1960s on, of the Critical Edition of his works and private notes.


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