Reading the Rejection of Saul Politically

2021 ◽  
pp. 131-139
Author(s):  
Rachelle Gilmour

The rejection of Saul contributes to a pro-Davidic ideology via justification from divine violence and the evidence for divine attachments to Davidic kings. The rejection of Saul also propounds a rejection of an ideology of northern kingship that includes popular participation and support for the monarchy. There are connections between Saul and Jeroboam in 1 Kgs 11–14 and Ahab in 1 Kgs 20:42; and the Assyrian crisis is a likely context for the development of the ideology in these texts. By contrast, in a southern ideology of kingship, the king does not listen to the people except to listen to their cases; the king, not prophet, establishes mishpat, or judgement; and the king protects the people but does not spare enemies.

2021 ◽  
pp. 71-81
Author(s):  
Rachelle Gilmour

The dynamics of retribution and divine characterisation in 2 Sam 11–20 are compared and contrasted with the formulation of divine violence in 1 Sam 12. In 1 Sam 12, retribution is threatened but not yet enacted. Thunder and rain on the people’s crops in 1 Sam 12:18 is educative violence, warning the people for future obedience. The king is sidelined throughout Samuel’s speech, and included in the consequences but not transgression in the formulations for obedience and disobedience, democratising divine retribution from the king to the people in the post-exilic period. God is again characterised as transcendent king and judge, using the language of ‘evil that you have done in the eyes of the LORD.’ God’s words are all mediated through the prophet, and whereas David intercedes on his own behalf in 2 Sam 12, the Israelites must rely on Samuel’s intercession.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 420-432
Author(s):  
Maria do Carmo Ferrão Santos

RESUMO Este artigo tem o objetivo de narrar todo o processo de organização para se conquistar a emancipação do município de Tamandaré, para tanto, aborda sobre: - as razões que estimularam os habitantes dos distritos de Tamandaré e Saué (situados no litoral sul de Pernambuco), a lutarem pela independência em relação a Rio Formoso (município-mãe); - a campanha em prol da realização do plebiscito; - a promulgação da emancipação político-administrativa do município de Tamandaré. Para tanto, buscou-se informações junto ao TER-PE, Assembleia Legislativa-PE, Prefeitura do Rio Formoso, e em diversos eventos com a presença constante da autora desta obra. Os resultados apontam que a emancipação foi um fato histórico muito importante para a liberdade do povo que nele vive e dele depende para sobreviver.   Palavras-chaves: plebiscito, emancipação, Tamandaré, Saué.   THE POPULAR PARTICIPATION IN THE POLITICAL-ADMINISTRATIVE ENANCY OF TAMANDARÉ - PERNAMBUCO.   ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to narrate the whole organization process to gain the emancipation of the municipality of Tamandaré, for this purpose, it addresses: - the reasons that stimulated the inhabitants of the districts of Tamandaré and Saué (located on the southern coast of Pernambuco) to fight for independence in relation to Rio Formoso (mother-city); - the campaign for the holding of the plebiscite; - the promulgation of the political-administrative emancipation of the municipality of Tamandaré. For this purpose, information was sought from the TER-PE, Legislative Assembly-PE, Rio Formoso City Hall, and in several events with the constant presence of the author of this work. The results point out that emancipation was a very important historical fact for the freedom of the people who live in it and depends on it to survive. Key words: Plebiscite. Emancipation. Tamandaré. Saué.


KPGT_dlutz_1 ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-169
Author(s):  
Adir Ubaldo Rech

O princípio da participação popular na elaboração do Plano Diretor: o resgate dos motivos pelos quais o homem busca viver em cidades Resumo: A cidade é uma construção antropológica que deve ser entendida como casa, lugar de convivência, de moradia, de segurança, de bem-estar e de qualidade de vida ao homem. Os motivos que levam o homem a viver em cidade são objeto de seu planejamento, preocupação atual, que clama por uma postura epistêmica. O princípio da participação popular resgata a origem das cidades, devolve o poder de decidir ao seu verdadeiro ‘dono’ – o povo – e faz do Plano Diretor um projeto de planejamento com espírito de cidadania. O projeto de cidade não pode ser, apenas, um projeto de governo; deve ter natureza cultural e popular e respeitar a diversidade, cujo governante precisa, tão somente, administrar sua construção, dar-lhe continuidade e manter a preservação. A gestão poderá modernizar e/ou construir cidades inteligentes, mas nunca deverá se afastar das bases, que deram origem às cidades, bem como do espírito de seus cidadãos. Palavras-chave: Cidade. Direito Urbanístico. Instrumento de efetividade. Plano Diretor. Princípio da participação popular. ______ Popular participation principle in the Managing Plan: the rescue of the motives why the man seeks to live in cities Abstract: The city is an anthropological construction which should be understood as a house, acquaintanceship place, dwelling, security, and welfare and life quality for the man. Motives that lead men and women to live in a city are object of their planning, present concern, which cries out for an epistemic posture. Popular involvement principle rescues the cities rise, it gives back the power of deciding his true ‘owner’ – the people – and it makes the Managing Plan a planning project with citizenship spirit. The city project should not be just a government project; it must have a cultural and popular nature and respecting diversity whose ruler must only manage its construction, continuity and preservation. Management can modernize and/or build smart cities, but it should never stand back from the foundations that they gave rise at the spirit of their cities, as well as the citizens. Keywords: City. Effectiveness instrument. Managing Plan. Popular involvement principle. Urbanistic Law.


Two hundred years after the massacre of peaceful protestors who had gathered in St Peter's Field, Manchester, to hear 'Orator' Henry Hunt speak for Parliamentary Reform, this volume brings together scholars of the Romantic Era to assess the implications of such state violence in England, Scotland, Ireland and North America. Chapters explore how attitudes toward violence and the claims of 'the people' to participate in government were reflected and revised in the works of figures such as P. B. Shelley, John Keats, Walter Scott, Sydney Owenson, John Cahuac and J.M.W. Turner. Their analyses provide fresh insights into cultural engagement as a means of resisting oppression and as a sign of the resilience of humanity in facing threats and force. On the whole, the book advances the hypothesis that 'Peterloo', as the event was termed to evoke the British military victory at Waterloo, was most of all a conflict over the perceived and aspirational identities of the participants and observers and that the conflict manifested the identity of 'the people' as claimants on government. Recognizing popular claim-making was crucial for the passage of Reform. Though Peterloo resulted in an immediate backlash of repression, it contributed in the longer term to the change in attitude enabling Reform. The book concludes that state violence ultimately proved ineffective against popular participation, though it also uncovers the ways in which repressive measures function as a subtle and hidden kind of violence that discourages civic activism and continues to call forth cultural resistance.


PCD Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pratikno Pratikno ◽  
Cornelis Lay

This paper discusses democratisation practiced in Surakarta, Indonesia, which has been claimed by many experts as a municipality with "best practices" of democratic local governance in Indonesia. Their analyses focus on the actors and claim that participation is a possible way of crafting stable democracy. This participation in turn, they suggest, is a result of decentralisation which thus strengthen local democracy. Presenting the civil society participation and the decentralisation in the city of Surakarta, this paper shows that what actually happens is otherwise. It argues that the rise of popular participation was rooted in contentious local politics. Besides, the constitution of the new forms of popular representation are not supported by, and produced within, a clear ideological framework from the people in Surakarta.


2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sevidzem Stephen Kingah

AbstractIn the spirit of the Constitutive Act of the African Union we must work for a continent characterized by democratic principles and institutions which guarantee popular participation and provide for good governance. Through our actions, let us proclaim to the world that this is a continent of democracy, a continent of democratic institutions and culture. Indeed, a continent of good governance, where the people participate and the rule of law is upheld.


2021 ◽  
pp. 204-233
Author(s):  
Silvia Suteu

This chapter looks at a trend that seemingly contradicts the global rise of eternity clauses: popular participation in constitution-making processes. It discusses whether the deeper democratic embeddedness of constitutions as pursued through participatory processes can help address democratic anxiety about eternity clauses. It maps several processes of constitution-making that can be characterized as participatory, with a view to determining whether unamendability was incorporated into the final constitutional drafts, how it was debated, and why alternative design choices have been adopted. This chapter seeks to test empirically those theoretical arguments about eternity clauses that view them as repositories of constituent intent. It also explores eternity clauses as the high point of the battle between rigidity and openness in constitutional design.


1983 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger G. Thomas

Several recent studies have examined the impact of the First World War on the people, and rulers – alien and indigenous - of West Africa. Diverse societies responded in a variety of ways to a situation in which extraordinary demands from the colonial rulers - of which direct military recruitment was only one - were often accompanied by administrative and military contraction at the local level.This paper examines the way in which wartime conditions in the Zouaragu (Zuarungu) and Bawku districts of what is now upper Ghana exposed the weakness of the indigenous administrative structure recently constructed by the British. Here, in many instances, chiefs had been imposed, or at least had had their powers qualitatively changed and substantially increased, in societies that were traditionally organized on a kinship basis. The War seemed to provide an opportunity for an overthrow of this structure, which had enabled many of the chiefs to establish harshly exploitative relations with their subjects. An upsurge of disobedience to chiefly orders was followed in the Bongo area by a land dispute which flared into disturbances in which a constable was killed. These disturbances and an incident in the neighbouring Bawku District were taken as a sign of revolt and ruthlessly crushed by a local administration intent on teaching an unforgettable lesson.Governor Clifford in Accra anatomized the inadequacies of administrative control and condemned his officers' brutal response to the disturbances, but offered little in the way of suggestions for the reform of the chieftaincy system despite clear indications that local hostility was directed more against it than against colonial rule per se. Neither were reform proposals forthcoming from the Northern Territories administration. Thus the severity of the British response to popular opposition to chiefly power was a factor in enabling some chiefs to continue as ‘spoilers’ rather than ‘fathers’ of their people even after the introduction of formal Indirect Rule in the 1930s had nominally broadened popular participation in local administration.


2021 ◽  
Vol V (4) ◽  
pp. 201-226
Author(s):  
Anton Shablinsky

The problem of this article is built around the tension between the concept of organ sovereignty and democracy theory. First of all, this vision of sovereignty fails to describe the diverse forms of popular participation in collective decision-making. It speaks very sparingly of the people as a political actor. Moreover, the concept of organ sovereignty does not provide the theoretical resources to describe the intermediary bodies in the space between the state and the individual. The tradition of liberal democracy emphasises the importance of such bodies for maintaining popular control over state. Also, the idea of organ sovereignty, by reducing all power to a single legislature, ignores the demand for self-government coming from communities located within the same state and yet united by a certain collective identity. Today, democracy theorists are turning to the concepts of federalism in order to overcome the above-mentioned limitations set by the concept of organ sovereignty. So far, however, the concepts of federalism have not been very convincing in describing the various forms of popular participation in collective decision-making. Above all, they have failed to consistently justify the existence of multiple decision-making centres within a single polity. The article argues that the model of the federal polity proposed by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in his later work “Considerations on the mode of government in Poland” explains how within one polity multiple centres of collective decision-making can coexist. The model also provides an understanding of how citizen participation in multiple decision-making centres can be organised.


2003 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Jennings

The early independence period in Tanzania was not simply an ante-chamber to the post-Arusha Declaration period of Ujamaa. The state undertook to incorporate, for the first time, the people of Tanzania in the formal development planning structures in an attempt to marry national developmental objectives to local needs. Self-help, or ‘nation building’ as it was also known, was an attempt to bring consensus and dialogue to the planning process. The scale of self-help activity unleashed by its formal adoption as part of rural development policy caught the government by surprise, however, and raised fears over the level of control that local government in particular was able to exert over popular efforts in development. The gradual emergence of statism in Tanzania, in place by the end of the decade, was in large part the response of a panicking state, fearing an imminent crisis in its power to direct development policy, and maintain command over scarce resources.


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