scholarly journals A participação popular na emancipação político-administrativa de Tamandaré/PE

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 420-432
Author(s):  
Maria do Carmo Ferrão Santos
Keyword(s):  
Key Words ◽  
The Political ◽  
Southern Coast ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
City Hall ◽  
The People ◽  
Organization Process ◽  
Historical Fact ◽  
Legislative Assembly

RESUMO Este artigo tem o objetivo de narrar todo o processo de organização para se conquistar a emancipação do município de Tamandaré, para tanto, aborda sobre: - as razões que estimularam os habitantes dos distritos de Tamandaré e Saué (situados no litoral sul de Pernambuco), a lutarem pela independência em relação a Rio Formoso (município-mãe); - a campanha em prol da realização do plebiscito; - a promulgação da emancipação político-administrativa do município de Tamandaré. Para tanto, buscou-se informações junto ao TER-PE, Assembleia Legislativa-PE, Prefeitura do Rio Formoso, e em diversos eventos com a presença constante da autora desta obra. Os resultados apontam que a emancipação foi um fato histórico muito importante para a liberdade do povo que nele vive e dele depende para sobreviver.   Palavras-chaves: plebiscito, emancipação, Tamandaré, Saué.   THE POPULAR PARTICIPATION IN THE POLITICAL-ADMINISTRATIVE ENANCY OF TAMANDARÉ - PERNAMBUCO.   ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to narrate the whole organization process to gain the emancipation of the municipality of Tamandaré, for this purpose, it addresses: - the reasons that stimulated the inhabitants of the districts of Tamandaré and Saué (located on the southern coast of Pernambuco) to fight for independence in relation to Rio Formoso (mother-city); - the campaign for the holding of the plebiscite; - the promulgation of the political-administrative emancipation of the municipality of Tamandaré. For this purpose, information was sought from the TER-PE, Legislative Assembly-PE, Rio Formoso City Hall, and in several events with the constant presence of the author of this work. The results point out that emancipation was a very important historical fact for the freedom of the people who live in it and depends on it to survive. Key words: Plebiscite. Emancipation. Tamandaré. Saué.

scholarly journals Ozo title institution in Igbo land in relation to politics in Nigeria: A comparative analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-108
Author(s):  
Innocent Ogbonna Nweke
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
X Rays ◽  
Cultural Approach ◽  
The People ◽  
Land Politics ◽  
The Individual

Politics, they said is a dirty game. One tends to disagree with this assertion because man is a political being and everything man does is all about politics. It depends on the intention, and how each plays his or her own. Ozo title is one of the political institutions in Igbo land. It will be worthy to mention that the Ozo title meant in this paper is the primordial or original Ozo title in Igbo land and not the adulterated Ozo title today. It is one of the institutions that helps in governance, controls different sectors of the Igbo man’s life and equally checkmates the excesses in the land. This work tries to look at the politics in the Nigerian setting and that of the Igbo land as being championed by Ozo title men. It x-rays their day-to-day activities and compares them. The work equally will be able to evaluate the two. During the evaluation, it was discovered that politics is not dirty, it was also discovered that since the Ozo title men play this politics and play it very well, it now boils down on the makeup of the individual and the intentions of the people in it. It however suggests that the Nigerian leaders or politicians should look at the Ozo title institution and what it is for the Igbo man and borrow a leaf from them. The paper uses socio-cultural approach in the work. The paper finally warns that the Ozo title as used in this study is the primodial one and not the adulterated one. Thus, if the politicians in Nigerian today borrow from the Ozo title men in Igbo land, politics in Nigeria will be a better and an interesting one. Key words: Ozo title, Igbo land, Leadership, Politics, Nigeria

Leo Strauss’s Machiavelli and the Querelle between the Few and the Many

2018 ◽  
pp. 144-175
Author(s):  
John P. McCormick
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Leo Strauss ◽  
Political Judgment ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
The People ◽  
Philosophical Project ◽  
The Many ◽  
Ultimate Foundation

This chapter analyzes Leo Strauss' engagement with the democratic elements of Niccolò Machiavelli's political thought; specifically, Machiavelli's self-avowed departure from the ancients in favoring the political judgment and participation of the many over the few, and in recommending the people, rather than the nobles, as the ultimate foundation for political authority. It identifies several of Strauss' misinterpretations of Machiavelli's democratic, anti-elitist republicanism and explores tensions and discrepancies within Strauss' reconstruction of Machiavelli's political-philosophical project. Furthermore, Strauss exaggerates Machiavelli's criticisms of peoples and underplays his criticisms of the nobilities within republics. Strauss marshals instances of elite-popular interactions in the Discourses that purportedly demonstrate Machiavelli's preference for elite intervention and manipulation over popular participation and judgment.

scholarly journals Vontade geral, soberania e liberdade política em Rousseau: algumas problematizações

Problemata ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 255-271
Author(s):  
Eduarda Santos Silva
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Political Freedom ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Will ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Common

Given the union of individuals by a convention, as idealized by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in The social contract, the political body that is formed will be directed by the general will, which gives unity to the people, considering the person of each associate, their assets and their freedom. Although the general will is the foundation for the maintenance of citizens' political freedom, it is possible to ask whether it will really prevail in all spheres of civil society, if the individuals who deliberate in the exercise of sovereignty are sufficiently informed about what is good common, or if they are led to accept what suits the Legislator, that is, if the general will is not manipulated, corrupted or deceived by this extraordinary figure, considered a guide endowed with superior intelligence to better lead citizens to pass good laws and preserving the common good. We are interested, then, in contrasting the very important issue of the popular participation of individuals in public subjects, highlighted by Rousseau, with the apparent limits that such participation would encounter in a republican state, and its consequences for political freedom.

scholarly journals Good Leadership and Sustainable Governance: A Critical Assessment of Governance in Nigeria

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (7) ◽  
pp. 1389-1396
Author(s):  
Emmanuel A. OJEWUNMI
Keyword(s):  
Key Words ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Critical Assessment ◽  
Future Generations ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
The Future ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Environmental Interests

This research paper establishes that good leadership is a key condition to sustainable governance. This paper therefore, investigates the principles of good leadership and sustainable governance. With Causal and Descriptive Designs employed as the methodology, this work accesses how sustainable the democratic governance in Nigeria is. The words good and sustainable as related to governance cannot be absolutely divorced in the study of governance. The two key words in this discourse are so inextricably intertwined as though they are conterminous with each other. This is because the two key words focus on the same goal. To discuss one leaving the second out cannot bring desirable results for this discourse. For the governance of any given state to be sustainable, it must be a governance that is led and managed by good leadership and it should conform to the expected constitutional standard, that is legally constituted and that is being operated according to the rules and regulations of the country. It must be accountable to the people with the structure that allows a smooth hand over process. This paper therefore examines some of the definitions of good leadership, the conditions that can guarantee good governance and how they can be applied to the Nigerian situation in providing suitable governance that will not jeopardize the interests of the future generations. The paper recommends that Nigeria needs a leadership that preserves the future. The Nigerian people need a leadership that not only protects the political, economic, social and environmental interests of the present but also protects the interests of the future generations.

On the Will of the People: Notes on the Political “Theory” of Populism

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Offe
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
National People ◽  
The Will

The “will of the (national) people” is the ubiquitously invoked reference unit of populist politics. The essay tries to demystify the notion that such will can be conceived of as a unique and unified substance deriving from collective ethnic identity. Arguably, all political theory is concerned with arguing for ways by which citizens can make e pluribus unum—for example, by coming to agree on procedures and institutions by which conflicts of interest and ideas can be settled according to standards of fairness. It is argued that populists in their political rhetoric and practice typically try to circumvent the burden of such argument and proof. Instead, they appeal to the notion of some preexisting existential unity of the people’s will, which they can redeem only through practices of repression and exclusion.

PERAN ULAMA SELAKU PEWARIS NABI DALAM KONTESTASI PEMILU-PILPRES TAHUN 2019 DI INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Archival Data ◽  
Political Event ◽  
Online Social Media ◽  
The People ◽  
Religious Issue ◽  
The Face ◽  
Religion And State

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.

Afterword

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh B. Urban ◽  
Greg Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Academic Discourse ◽  
Critical Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Education Today

The Afterword includes an interview with Bruce Lincoln, in which he is asked to reflect on the current study of religion, methods of comparison, and the political implications of academic discourse. In addition to responding to specific points in these chapters, Lincoln also fleshes out what he thinks it would mean “to do better” in the critical study of religion amid the ongoing crises of higher education today. Perhaps most importantly, he reflects upon and clarifies what he means by “irreverence” in the study of religion; an irreverent approach, he concludes, entails a rejection of the sacred status that other people attribute to various things, but not of the people themselves.

(Anamnesis) Revolting Bodies: “Le Forgeron” and the Poetry of the Past

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert St. Clair
Keyword(s):  
Victor Hugo ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Louis Xvi

weChapter 4 takes up the question of poetry and engagement at its most explicit and complex in Rimbaud, focusing on a long, historical epic entitled “Le Forgeron.” We read this poem, which recreates and re-imagines a confrontation between the People in revolt and Louis XVI in the summer of 1792, as Rimbaud’s attempt to add a revolutionary supplement to the counter-epics modeled by Victor Hugo in Châtiments. Chapter 4 shows how Rimbaud’s “Forgeron” challenges us to examine the ways in which a poem might seek “to enjamb” the caesura between poiesis and praxis by including and complicating revolutionary (counter)history into its folds in order to implicate itself in the political struggles of its time.

scholarly journals Killing a Constitution with a Thousand Cuts: Executive Aggrandizement and Party-state Fusion in India

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan
Keyword(s):  
Good Governance ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The People ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Media ◽  
Democratic Norms

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.

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