Traditional Peacemaking in Sanaag Region, Somaliland

2019 ◽  
pp. 137-146
Author(s):  
Abdullahi Odowa

This chapter describes the role of traditional peacemaking in the Sanaag region of Somaliland. The civil war in Somaliland spawned devastating inter‐ and intra-clan violence and political power struggles which caused the death and displacement of thousands. Over several years, peace initiatives were led by clan elders and community leaders, using xeer. The initiatives were largely successful because of the political will to make them succeed and the spirit of reconciliation; the way they worked upwards from grassroots level, and the fact that they were locally funded, with minimal government interference. However, there has been inadequate implementation of agreements, insufficient memorialization of victims, and lack of fair and effective governance. It is argued that local reconciliation processes are fragile and therefore vulnerable to external intervention. They must be locally owned, free from fixed agendas or deadlines, and work from the bottom up.

Author(s):  
Agung Nurrahman ◽  
Gatiningsih Gatiningsih ◽  
Muhammad Tri Syaputra

This research focuses on how leadership has a major role in addressing environmental issues, especially through the garbage bank program as a form of case study. Furthermore, the problems that occur in the midst of society are often rely solely on political will or political desire to solve them. The research is to know and learn Lurah's (head of village) leadership in the management of waste banks specifically. This research is qualitative descriptive research. Data collection techniques through structured interviews, documentation and observations. Researchers conducted an analysis using leadership theory from Yukl, where the theory discusses leadership comprehensively. Researchers only focus on five parts of the concept that are considered relevant, namely: visionary, guidance, affiliative, democratic and communicative concepts. The results of this study based on these dimensions are good enough Lurah (head of village) leadership. But there are several things that are considered able to optimize the running of the program through the role of Lurah (Head of village) leadership, namely: first, involving active knots and community leaders such as MUI, academics to support scientific aspects, and professionals in the field of practical management. Keywords: Leadership, Head of Village, Environmental Issues, Waste Management, Waste Bank  


10.1068/a4045 ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 40 (11) ◽  
pp. 2674-2692 ◽  
Author(s):  
D Addie Jean-Paul

This paper explores the disparities between the ideological discourses and material outcomes of three key urban policies, contextually grounded within the neoliberalised social and institutional spaces of Over-the-Rhine, Cincinnati. Whilst the rhetoric of neoliberal doctrine presents an emancipatory urban imaginary based upon individual freedom and the beneficent role of free markets, the embedding of the policies discussed accentuates the political and economical disenfranchisement of the most marginalised neighbourhood inhabitants. Moreover, the ability of this group to politically mobilise against hostile neoliberalisation and gentrification is undermined by the facilitation of out-migration of stable low-income families and community leaders, and the reproduction of the negative, criminal, and blighted aspects of Over-the-Rhine's environment. Neoliberalisation is seen to operate through material and discursive moments of social exclusion and in perpetuating sociospatial structures which justify the continued implementation of repressive political and regulatory projects. In concluding, I suggest neoliberal hegemony may be undermined through exposing the ways in which it reproduces and exacerbates the phenomena it condemns.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (14) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Marian Tadeusz Mencel

This lecture includes an attempt to answer the question: what the connection of Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and Zhu De was, and what conditions contributed to the fact that both Zhou Enlai and Zhu De did not share the fate of the political opponents of Mao Zedong, inter alia Liu Shaoqi, Wang Ming, Gao Gang and others. Recognizing the political reality of China of the period from the creation of the CPC to the death of the heroes, the synthetic approach shows their resumes, and an attempt was taken to involve the most important facts to answer the questions, inter alia about civil, war of national liberation, domestic and foreign policy of China implemented in accordance with the provisions of the Communist Party of China and the role of the heroes in shaping the cultural and civilisation order after the declaration of the establishment of the People’s Republic of China.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anton Chemakin

This article is devoted to the Ukrainian People’s Gromada (UPG), the organization of Little Russian landlords which played a prominent part in the political life of Ukraine and South Russia during the Civil War. Ukrainian historiography treats the UPG as an organisation of Ukrainian conservatives and assigns it the key role in the Hetman coup d’état of April 1918. There is also a widespread opinion that the Gromada was dissolved immediately after Hetman P. P. Skoropadsky took power. This work aims to reconsider traditional views on UPG and, with reference to new archival sources, prove the following: the role of the Gromada in the coup d’état was exaggerated considerably; the UPG continued to exist after Skoropadsky took power; and one can doubt the “Ukrainian” nature of the organisation, despite its name. Based on Skoropadsky’s memoirs and the accounts of other witnesses, as well as some German sources, the author proves that the Gromada was not the leading force in the coup d’état, but only the organisation which prepared lists of candidates to be included in the new government. The sources kept in the Central State Archives of the Supreme Bodies of Power and Government of Ukraine and the Hoover Institution Archives that are devoted to the activities of the UPG from the summer of 1918 to the spring of 1919 have not been made public previously. After the directorate seized power, the leaders of the Gromada fled from Kiev to Odessa. There they took part in local political intrigues and tried to distance themselves from Hetman Skoropadsky and the project of the Ukrainian state. The UPG leaders, who had previously viewed themselves as Ukrainian “samostiyniks”, now proclaimed that they were not Ukrainians, but Little Russians and “Russian statists”. An attempt is made to analyse the reasons why UPG members moved from the Russian political camp to the Ukrainian one and back several times in a comparatively short period. Based on research in the field of “nationalism studies”, the author concludes that the Gromada members had traditional, pre-modern views on the nation (in this case as a corporation of Little Russian nobility), which, together with their desire to adapt to the ever-changing political situation and fight for their privileges and economic interests, made it possible for them to keep joining Russian and Ukrainian nationalists interchangeably without perceiving their actions as national treason. The study of this topic makes it possible to address the Little Russian nobility’s behaviour in the Civil War and their attempts to integrate into Ukrainian or Russian national projects.


2021 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Tuleutai Suleimenov ◽  

Kazakhstan at the present stage has the status of a large regional state in the Eurasian space, plays an active role in the system of international relations, occupying a worthy place on the political map of the world. The strategy of independence of N. A. Nazarbayev formed the basis for the vision of modernizing modern Kazakhstani society and strengthening the independence of our country in the new world. The values ​​of our independence: multinationality of a single people, common national interests, education and science, demarcation of state borders, peaceful foreign policy.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 481-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei V. Korobkov ◽  
Zhanna A. Zaionchkovskaia

Following a short-term burst of migration activity after the dissolution of the USSR, the current situation is marked by the unusually low population territorial mobility, defined by both the political and, increasingly, the socioeconomic factors. While this trend indicates some degree of minority accommodation, it also demonstrates the depth of economic crisis and increasing socioeconomic differentiation. Visible also is the disproportionate influence exercised by Russia on the formation of migration flows in the region. Remaining the major recipient of migrants, Russia increasingly plays a role of supplier of labor migrants to the West, and acts as a ‘‘bridge’’ for those attempting to reach Western Europe. Meanwhile, Russia still lacks an effective legislative base, institutional mechanisms, and political will for dealing with the new migration flows.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Doucette

Inspired by philosopher Peter Hallward’s call for a renewed focus on political will, this article examines its conceptualization within three areas of the discipline: non-representational theory, post-politics, and Gramscian geographies. Non-representational theorists draw attention to the role of affect in shaping political life, but have little to say about conscious collective volition. In contrast, post-politics scholars offer an extensive vocabulary for understanding political will as a prescriptive form of agency, but risk confining the political to an abstract, regulative idea. Meanwhile, Gramscian geographies’ dialectical approach to political will can complement both by mediating between extremes of objective and subjective determination.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 85-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aidan Hehir

The efficacy of the Responsibility to Prevent suffers from two key problems; causal indeterminacy, and a dependence on the political will of states, particularly the permanent five members of the Security Council. The vast array of factors which can be cited as potentially contributing to the outbreak of conflict and atrocity crimes mitigates against the determination of definite “conflict triggers”. This does not mean prevention is impossible but does limit the efficacy of “early warning systems”. The dynamics of the “four crimes” within R2P’s purview further limits the efficacy of prevention as the decision to engage in mass atrocities is taken in response to a perceived existential crisis. This significantly limits the scope for leveraging the “internal” aspect of R2P as the decision to commit these acts is invariably born from a belief that no other option is available to the potential aggressors. Thus the specifics of atrocity crime prevention places great emphasis on the operationalisation of the external dimension of R2P, namely the role of the international community. So long as the response of the “international community” is predicated on the political will of states, however, the efficacy of prevention in these areas will be limited, as the “international” response is prey to narrowly defined national interests.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chijioke Basil Onuoha ◽  
◽  
Henry Ufomba ◽  
Ebong Itoro Bassey

One of the most contested issues in Nigeria’s political landscape and federal structure is the debate on the fiscal autonomy of the Local Government as the third tier of government. The literature on the subject appears to zero down the issue of Local Government fiscal autonomy to a political ‘devil’. The position of existing scholarship on the subject concludes that by taking advantage of Sections 7 and 162 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, it is common practice for the State Governors to usurp the autonomy of the Local Governments. The Governors are also accused of using the Joint Account framework to control the statutory allocations of the Local Governments. Hence, Local Governments in Nigeria lacks fiscal autonomy which is one of the main principles of the three tiers of government structure. However, the underlying politics that has played out in the Fourth Republic in Nigeria reveals that this historical and legalistic perception does not provide a complete explanation of the problem. This is because the literature does not consider the role of the political elite at the Local Government level in sustaining the shrewd nature of State and Local Governments interaction in Nigeria’s Federal structure, rather the existing literature focused entirely on the governor as a ‘devil’ and ignores the role of the political class at the grassroots level as “lying angels”. This paper is therefore an invitation for a deeper theoretical deconstruction of this phenomenon to stimulate an encompassing and interesting perceptive on what we conceptualize as State-Local Government Interactions in Nigeria (SLIN). Our primary objective is to draw attention to the role of the personalities of the political class at the grassroots level which makes up the highest cadre of the hierarchy in the Local Government in shaping SLIN. We present a case that future debates should go beyond “devil” and also focus on the profound role of “lying angels”.


Author(s):  
David Castilla-Estévez

This article studies the transmission of political identity in the family from the Spanish Civil War until today. Concretely, it attempts to identify the most important factors in the political socialization of the individual, the factors that specifically play an important role in the formation of extremist political identities and the importance the Spanish Civil War has had in these processes. To do this, we have analysed data from a survey based on a representative sample of the Spanish population. The results show that the role of the mother is key in the formation of individual political identity, and that there has been an increase in the number of agents playing a role in political socialization with the passage of generations, although the mother and religion continue to be the most important factors.


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