The Sokoto Caliphate

2021 ◽  
pp. 1082-1110
Author(s):  
Murray Last

The Sokoto Caliphate, prior to 1964 generally referred to in print as the Fulani Empire, was Africa’s largest pre-colonial state and lasted for a century, coming into being in 1808 through a four-year jihad and finally in 1903 being conquered by Britain. As an Islamic state, it was run as a decentralized confederation of emirates under the supervision of the caliph and his bureaucracy in Sokoto. Though almost all the emirs initially were scholars chosen for their piety, they could be identified ethnically as Fulani/Fulbe (hence the “Fulani Empire”) whereas the majority of the population were Hausa-speakers. There was a very large number of slaves (at times over 50 percent), serving the elite or working as labor on farms, which supplied food to large households and markets in the cities. There was no standing army, but borders were closed by strategically sited ribats or strongholds. Conflicts were resolved by local administrators, with the courts using Shari‘a law; servants of local officials acted as police. The chapter’s argument is that the Sokoto Caliphate is more accurately categorized not as an “imperial” polity but as an Islamic state modeled as a confederation on Abbasid practice.

2021 ◽  
pp. 87-100
Author(s):  
DANILO VUJOVIĆ ◽  
NEDELJKO CVETKOVIĆ

In the last couple of years, with the prolification of the Migrant Crisis and the defeat of the Islamic State, the return of the foreign fighters, who went form Europe to the Caliphate and joined the local conflict, as well as the problem of the homegrown terrorism have become the focal point of almost all national security strategies of European countries. The situation that followed drove the authors to set the possible approaches to solving this challenge to European security as a goal for their research. The subject of this article encompasses the process of deradicalization, as the only humane way to deal with the problem at hand, as well as the process of radicalization, as necessary for understanding the formation of the individuals that pose a threat to the security of Europe. The article also tackles the preventive work directed at those social groups that are deemed susceptible to radicalization, as well as the use of individualized and holistic approach to the radicalized individuals. Special consideration is given to the programs of deradicalization as a form of institutionalized way of dealing with this type of a security risk. In the conclusion the authors give their own view of what is the most adeqaute approach when working with radicalized individuals and the role of certain elements of society in it.


1998 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 93-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quentin Gausset

Traditional accounts of the nineteenth-century Fulbe conquest in northern Cameroon tell roughly the same story: following the example of Usman Dan Fodio in Nigeria, the Fulbe of Cameroon organized in the beginning of the nineteenth century a “jihad” or a “holy war” against the local pagan populations to convert them to Islam and create an Islamic state. The divisions among the local populations and the military superiority of the Fulbe allowed them to conquer almost all northern Cameroon. They forced those who submitted to give an annual tribute of goods and servants, and they raided the other groups. In these traditional accounts the Fulbe are presented as unchallenged masters, while the local populations are depicted as slaves who were powerless over their fate; their role in the conquest of the region and in the administration of the new political order is supposed to have been insignificant.I will show that, on the contrary, in the area of Banyo the Wawa and Bute played a crucial role in the conquest of the sultanate and in its administration. I will then re-examine the cliche that all members of the local populations were the slaves of the Fulbe by distinguishing the fate of the Wawa and Bute on one side from that of the Kwanja and Mambila on the other, and by showing the importance of the Fulbe's identity in shaping the definition of slavery. Finally I will argue that, if the historical accounts found in the scientific literature invariably insist on Fulbe hegemony and minimize the role played by the local populations, it is because those accounts are often based on Fulbe traditions, and because these traditions are remodeled by the Fulbe in order to correspond to their discourse on identity.


2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilary Eiring, MPH ◽  
Sarah C. Blake, MA, PhD Candidate ◽  
David H. Howard, PhD

Objectives: To assess nursing homes’ capabilities to evacuate or shelter-in-place during a disaster and to determine their actual preparedness-related capacity.Design: A 27-question survey assessing disaster preparedness plans and capabilities in nursing homes. Respondents and nonresponders were compared based on characteristics from the Nursing Home Compare Web site using t tests for continuous variables and χ2 test for categorical variables. Probit regression was used to estimate the relationships between nursing home characteristics and dichotomous measures of preparedness.Setting: Web and paper surveys of nursing home administrators.Participants: Nursing home administrators in California, Florida, and Georgia.Main outcome measures: Number of disaster drills, days supply of emergency food and water, evacuation transportation and destination.Results: All facilities reported conducting at least one disaster drill per year. Only 55 percent of facilities used a template to develop their disaster plans and 74 percent of facilities reported that they discuss their disaster plans with local or state emergency management officials. Most facilities (81 percent) have generators. All but 19 (7 percent) of nursing homes are able to shelterin- place for 2 days or longer. Ambulance services are the most common form of transportation (76 percent). Most facilities (73 percent) plan to evacuate residents to nursing homes affiliated with their corporate group.Discussion: Almost all respondents conducted disaster drills, discussed preparedness with local officials, and were able to shelter-in-place for at least 2 days. However, many facilities rely on resources that may not be available during a large disaster.


Significance The salafi-jihadist group has lost almost all the territory it formerly held in Iraq and Syria. The recent attack on a mosque in Egypt’s Sinai also significantly reduced its local support. Arabic-language media are already looking to the next stages of Middle East conflict. Impacts The negative impact of IS losing its Raqqa propaganda centre on its efforts to control the narrative will be temporary. Following IS's loss of the Syria-Iraq border, Arabic press focus on the confrontation between Iran and US-linked forces will rise. The disappearance of IS as a territorial threat will likely increase divisions among Middle Eastern states.


AL-TA LIM ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-103
Author(s):  
Teuku Zulfikar ◽  
Elismawati Elismawati ◽  
Yuhardi Yuhardi

Thesis is a prerequisite for graduation in all academic institutions. Higher Education institutions, such as Imam Bonjol Islamic State Institute requires its students to write a thesis in order to graduate. Students write their theses and they were examined before the board of examiners. However, students found it difficult to write ‘good’ theses that show academic honesty and high level of originality. This is a big issue in our institution, this article, therefore examines factors that reduce originality of students’ theses. Having analysed over 10 theses using content analysis method, the authors found that almost all theses contain issues that reduces the originality of the theses. Students frequently commit structural plagiarism, in which they tend to follow the structure of their colleagues’ theses, and only made minor changes. Other finding showed that in stating their research problem, students make a claim without appropriate justification. Issues of referencing and paraphrasing are two important issues that reduce qualities of students’ theses.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy A. Van Aarde

The recent development of the Islamic State (ISIS 2010–2014 and IS 2014) is a radicalisation of the relation between religion and state in Islam. The relation of religion and state to Christianity has been shaped by the philosophy of dualism and Greek thought in the West. The relation of religion and state in Islam, however, has been shaped by a completely different tradition and conflicting view than Western thought and is based on the codified system of Shari’a law in Arabic thought. One of the most debated topics in Islamic studies is the inseparable nature of religion and state in Islam and the role of Shari’a law to the state. In the West the historical debate concerns the indiscriminate blending of church and state and the separation of church and state as indispensable to democracy and the modern question of the relation of Christian morality and public law. Islamic fundamentalism is a political and religious reform movement that indiscriminately blends the political and religious.


Author(s):  
Michael J. Seth

By 1953 almost all Koreans had accepted that they belonged to a single nation united by blood, culture, history, and destiny. However, the end of the Korean War left them divided into two states. ‘Competing states, diverging societies’ explains that each state shared the same goal of creating a prosperous, modern, unified Korean nation-state that would be politically autonomous and internationally respected. The leadership of each saw the division as temporary and themselves and the state they governed as the true representative of the aspirations of the Korean people, and the legitimate successor to the pre-colonial state. While sharing many of the same goals they followed very different paths to reach them and became ever more divergent societies.


ĪQĀN ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (01) ◽  
pp. 59-76
Author(s):  
Hafiz Muhammad Naveed ◽  
Dr. Muhammad Riaz Mahmood

Pakistan is such a unique Islamic state which has great significance in regard of the application of Islamic Ideology and observance of human rights. The Muslims are in majority in this state of extraordinary political and geo-starategic importance whereas the Christians, the Hindus, the Sikh, the Buddhist, the Bahais and the Parsees are some of the remarkable religious minorities living here. These religious minorities are a symbol of the socio-religious diversity of Pakistan. In this prospect, the protection of the rights of the religious minorities is extremely necessary. The worship places of these minorities exist almost all over Pakistan. It is a matter of great satisfaction that Islam lays great emphasis on the sanctity of these worship places. Moreover, the Muslims have been taking extraordinary steps to protect these places. They have always been encouraging to build and promote such places. Even after having such a glorious background, the entire world generally and Pakistan especially is facing the gigantic dangers of socio-religious prejudices and intolerance. In this scenario, the worship places of the religious minorities are facing serious threats like terror attacks and disgrace. It is necessary to have an impartial analysis of the Islamic teachings, the attitude of the Muslim rulers and the contemporary challenges regarded to the security and development of these places. A comprehensive understanding and a lasting solution of these challenges should be sorted for a peaceful co-existence in Pakistan. This research article has been presented to comprehend different aspects of the protection of the worship places of the religious minorities of Pakistan.


2018 ◽  
pp. 45-50
Author(s):  
Serhiy Hrabovskyi

The author considers in this article the problem of definition the characteristics of the non-independent status of Ukraine at the time of the Russian Empire and the USSR as one of the key for the Ukrainian philosophy of history, political science and politics. This problem is extremely important both from a theoretical and a practical point of view. According to the author, Ukraine really had the status of a colony in one form or another, although nominally in the USSR was one of the "sovereign republics". The article outlines the main factors that prevent scholars from unanimously recognizing this status, criticized those areas of Western Postcolonial Studies, where hypertrophied racial factors and the "overseas territories" factor, and, in addition, the Russian Empire is ignored as a colonial state. The part of those researchers, who deny the colonial status of Ukraine in the USSR, emphasize the aggressive nature of Bolshevism and the imperial policy of Moscow, but at the same time they are talking about "occupied Ukraine." For example, the main territory of Ukraine after the collapse of the Russian Empire was occupied by Bolshevik Russia. After the Second World War, when almost all of the Ukrainian lands were united under the USSR, they were given an occupation regime that existed until the 1990s. The author of the article believes that this approach is a simplification of the real situation. The period of occupation in Eastern Ukraine ended in 1921, when the Bolsheviks were forced to make certain concessions to the Ukrainians, and in Western Ukraine - in 1953, shortly after Stalin's death. There has come a long period of colonial exploitation of Ukrainian resources, including human, whose consequences considerably complicate the life of the restored independent Ukrainian state. Decolonization is an incomparably more complex and prolonged process than liberation from occupation and overcoming its consequences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 368-378
Author(s):  
Nukman Nukman ◽  
Lutfiah Ayundasari

One of the wars that was enough to make the Netherlands Indies Government change its war strategy and tactics to deal with resistance in Java, the Diponegoro War or often known as the Java War. This war involved almost all of the Land of Java, especially Central Java and East Java. The Participation of many Javanese people can’t be separated from the role of Prince Diponegoro in winning the hegemony over the Javanese people, especially people who embrance Islam resulting in a war within five years. The method used in this research is library research. The result of this research is that prince Diponegoro conveyed his ideas, ideas and knowledge to the public through the Islamic community, especially from the students, to call for the spirit of Jihad fi Sabilillah. The war banner he carried was also based on Islamic laws and wanted to establish an Islamic state (Balad al Islam). Salah satu perang yang cukup membuat pemerintah Hindia Belanda merubah strategi dan taktik untuk menghadapi perlawanan di Jawa, Perang Diponegoro atau sering dikenal dengan Perang Jawa. Perang ini melibatkan hampir seluruh Tanah Jawa terutama Jawa Tengah dan Jawa Timur. Ikut andilnya masyarakat Jawa yang banyak tidak lepas dari peran Pangeran Diponegoro dalam memenangkan Hegemoni atas masyarakat Jawa, terutama masyarakat yang memeluk agama Islam sehingga mengakibatkan perang dalam kurun waktu lima tahun. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah library research. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah pangeran Diponegoro menyampaikan sebuah gagasan, ide dan pengetahuannya kepada masyarakat melalui komunitas Islam, terutama dari kalangan santri untuk menyerukan semangat Jihad fi Sabilillah. Panji perang yang diusungnya pun juga berlandaskan pada hukum-hukum Islam dan ingin mendirikann suatu negara Islam (Balad al Islam).


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