scholarly journals UKRAINE IN THE USSR: OCCUPIED TERITORY OR COLONY?

2018 ◽  
pp. 45-50
Author(s):  
Serhiy Hrabovskyi
Keyword(s):  
Postcolonial Studies ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
The Status ◽  
Science And Politics ◽  
Western Ukraine ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Overseas Territories ◽  
Almost All

The author considers in this article the problem of definition the characteristics of the non-independent status of Ukraine at the time of the Russian Empire and the USSR as one of the key for the Ukrainian philosophy of history, political science and politics. This problem is extremely important both from a theoretical and a practical point of view. According to the author, Ukraine really had the status of a colony in one form or another, although nominally in the USSR was one of the "sovereign republics". The article outlines the main factors that prevent scholars from unanimously recognizing this status, criticized those areas of Western Postcolonial Studies, where hypertrophied racial factors and the "overseas territories" factor, and, in addition, the Russian Empire is ignored as a colonial state. The part of those researchers, who deny the colonial status of Ukraine in the USSR, emphasize the aggressive nature of Bolshevism and the imperial policy of Moscow, but at the same time they are talking about "occupied Ukraine." For example, the main territory of Ukraine after the collapse of the Russian Empire was occupied by Bolshevik Russia. After the Second World War, when almost all of the Ukrainian lands were united under the USSR, they were given an occupation regime that existed until the 1990s. The author of the article believes that this approach is a simplification of the real situation. The period of occupation in Eastern Ukraine ended in 1921, when the Bolsheviks were forced to make certain concessions to the Ukrainians, and in Western Ukraine - in 1953, shortly after Stalin's death. There has come a long period of colonial exploitation of Ukrainian resources, including human, whose consequences considerably complicate the life of the restored independent Ukrainian state. Decolonization is an incomparably more complex and prolonged process than liberation from occupation and overcoming its consequences.

scholarly journals “Honeymoon” of the Russian Empire and the United States during WWI

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-292
Author(s):  
Victoria I. Zhuravleva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Interdisciplinary Approach ◽  
The United States ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Liberal Internationalism ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article focuses on the debatable issues of Russian-American relations from 1914 until the fall of Tsarism, such as the degree of the two countries’ rapprochement, ethnic questions, the positive dynamics of mutual images and the intensified process of Russians and Americans studying each other. Based on primary and secondary sources, this work intends to emphasize that the conflict element in bilateral relations did not hamper cooperation between the two states. The author’s multipronged and interdisciplinary approach allowed her to conclude that the United Sates was ready to engage in wide-ranging interaction with the Russian Empire regardless of their ideological differences. From the author’s point of view, it was the pragmatic agenda that aided the states’ mutual interest in destroying the stereotypes of their counterpart and stimulated Russian Studies in the US and American Studies in Russia. Therefore, the “honeymoon” between the two states had started long before the 1917 February Revolution. However, Wilson strove to turn Russia not so much into an object of US’ “dollar diplomacy”, but into a destination of its “crusade” for democracy. The collapse of the monarchy provided an additional impetus for liberal internationalism by integrating the Russian “Other” into US foreign policy. Ultimately, an ideological (value-based) approach emerged as a stable trend in structuring America’s attitude toward Russia (be it the Soviet Union or post-Soviet Russia).

scholarly journals 1890th prison reform implementation in the Orenburg Governorate

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 118-122
Author(s):  
Sergey Valentinovich Lyubichankovskiy
Keyword(s):  
Implementation Process ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Prison Reform ◽  
Judicial Reform ◽  
Reform Implementation ◽  
Regional Features ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire

This paper is about an implementation process of the 1890 law in the Orenburg province for organization of new regional structures of penitentiary management - provincial prison inspection and prison department of provincial board. Specifics of prison reform implementation in the region, the relation of the governor's power to emergence of new bureaucratic structures, features of interaction between the created governing bodies are considered as well as the place taken by representatives of prison administration in regional bureaucratic community after the reform implementation is determined. The conclusion is drawn that implementation of the 1890 law took place in the Orenburg province with essential regional features. Orenburg provincial inspection has been created later (1894) than in the Russian Empire in general because of prolonged implementation of judicial reform (1864) on the territory of the region. However this inspection became more influential than similar organizations in other regions of the Russian Empire as it has subordinated the prison department of the Orenburg provincial board and accumulated all main competences of the sphere of prison case. The status of the Orenburg provincial prison inspector was almost equal to the status of the vice-governor.

scholarly journals Barga as a part of the Russian strategic interests in Eastern Asia in the first quarter of the XX century: treaty aspect

2020 ◽  
pp. 12-25
Author(s):  
Pavel Nikolaevich Dudin
Keyword(s):  
Eastern China ◽  
Far East ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Eastern Asia ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
The Far East ◽  
Legal Nature ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire

Based on the previously unexamined treaties and agreements, this article analyzes the civilian mechanism of ensuring Russia’s interest in Manchuria on the background of establishment and development of statehood of Hulunbuir District, also known as Barga. Having lost the Russo-Japanese War and a number of backbone territories, the Russian Empire took all necessary steps towards retention and strengthening of its influence in the region, was able to form the zones of primary interests, and this control the process of acquisition of relative autonomy by Barga. It is concluded that within the framework of considered agreements, Russia’ national interests in the Far East were reliably protected. It was achieved by the concessions, which by their legal nature significantly differed from the concessions and settlements created by the foreign powers in Eastern China, although were capable of ensuring Russia’s presence and safeguarding the strategic interests. Despite the fact that the created system demonstrated its effectiveness, it did not survive the political crises caused by the revolutionary events and demise of the Russian Empire. China’s leadership took advantage of the situation that unfolded in Russia, and liquidated the autonomy of Outer Mongolia, and later the status of Hulunbuir, stipulated in the agreements.

Embassy of the Russian Empire in Berlin on the Socialist Movement in Germany in 1890–1898

2021 ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Anna Matveeva
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
The Government ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
The Russian Empire

The study focuses on assessing the representativeness and relevance of diplomatic documents for the study of key aspects of German domestic politics. Three issues are central to the analysis of the documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire: the completeness of the indicated sources for understanding the factors of the German Empire’s inner policy; the assessment of the subjectivity of the author of diplomatic dispatches, i.e. how much the ambassador's personality determined the content of the dispatches that he sent to the ministry; the relevance of highlighting key issues of internal life in Germany from the point of view of Russian diplomats. Among constantly present in the messages, the most important was the problem of the socialist movement and the Social-Democratic Party’s activities. The socialists were mentioned for significant reasons: the repeal of the Law against the Socialists, the Berlin Conference on the Labor Protection (1890); elections to the Reichstag (1893, 1898); the Reichstag votes on issues important for Russia. The measures of counteraction to the socialists, discussed by the emperor and the government, also aroused interest. The study of archival documents (1890–1898) allows the author to draw the following conclusions. The dispatches adequately reflect the main trends in the socialist movement and the tactics of the SPD, therefore they can be used to study many internal problems faced by Germany in the course of its political evolution. The development of the social-democratic movement was rightly interpreted by Russian diplomats as one of the fundamental reasons for the internal instability of the German state during the reign of Wilhelm II. At the same time, the conclusion drawn by the diplomats can be primarily explained by the Russian imperial regime and its substantial characteristics, rather than the political realities within Germany itself. They considered parliamentarism, limiting the monarch actions (the state interests), to be the main reason for the high popularity and the broadest electoral support of the SPD. The key factor preventing the monarch from defeating the “coup parties” was defined as the activities of liberal political parties, which demanded the unconditional observance of the freedoms prescribed in the Сonstitution of 1871, as well as the prevention of the introduction of Exceptional Laws and other measures of an extraordinary nature.

Interethnic contradictions in Transylvania (middle of the nineteenth — early twentieth centuries) as seen through the eyes of Russian observers

2020 ◽  
pp. 115-131
Author(s):  
Aleksandr S. Stykalin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Remote Region ◽  
Interethnic Relations ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
The Status ◽  
Nineteenth And Twentieth Centuries ◽  
The Russian Empire

Reorganisation of the Austrian Empire into the dual Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1867 was followed by an attempt to cancel the special status of the Grand Principality of Transylvania, which had a long tradition of autonomous statehood, and absorb it into the Kingdom of Hungary. This caused a reaction by the Romanian nationalist movement in the region that intensified decade by decade. That this movement became a threat to the integrity of Austria-Hungary could not help but become an object of observation for Russian diplomats in the neighbouring Kingdom of Romania, where the issue of the status of Transylvanian Romanians was gaining more and more political attention. In this essay, based on archival and published sources, it is shown how Russian observers, first and foremost Russian diplomats in Bucharest, described not only the complex interethnic relations at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but also the attitude of the Romanian political elite and Romanian public opinion towards the status of Romanians in Transylvania - subjects of the Habsburgs. The author comes to the conclusion that a glace thrown from outside on this remote region, loosely con-nected with Russia, nevertheless allows conclusions to be drawn that help to reassess issues that concerned the Russian Empire (such as the Bessarabia question).

Reflective Colonization: Domination, Consent, and the Self in Imperial Russia

2012 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-537 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Fournier
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Literary Theory ◽  
Postcolonial Studies ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The Self ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Imperial Russia ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Historical Periods

Historians have pointed out that as a terrestrial rather than an overseas empire, the Russian empire has had to grapple with a blurry boundary between imperial center and periphery. Ektind goes a step further to show that the Russian empire was the stage for intensive colonization of the imperial core itself and the attendant processes of self-orientalization and self-alienation. The review identifies and explores three dimensions of the process of internal colonization. In the first, colonization by consent, Russian historical writers’ interpretations of the origins of the state in terms of consent to (foreign) domination are contextualized by drawing on colonizers’ fantasy of consent across contexts and historical periods, and by pointing to resistance as an important aspect of the relation between Russian imperial elites and the colonized. The second dimension is the idea of colonizing “one’s own,” whereby elites not only coerced people of the imperial core into various practices, but also viewed them through an orientalizing lens, and this, from the beginnings of serfdom through the nineteenth-century populists’ efforts at rapprochement (the perceived divide between rulers and ruled is, it is argued, still salient in Russian politics). The last dimension, strangers to ourselves, deals with the “splitting of the self” from a postcolonial studies perspective but it is pointed out that the use of psychoanalytic frameworks and literary theory may reproduce orientalist interpretations of the Russian imperial self. Instead, it is argued that self-orientalizing discourses in the Russian context may serve to divert attention away from one’s actual power.

scholarly journals Международно-правовое положение Внутренней Монголии на рубеже XIX–XX вв. глазами ее правителя (записка хорчинского князя Удая, 1910 г.)

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 1496-1512
Author(s):  
Roman Yu. Pochekaev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Inner Mongolia ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Legal Analysis ◽  
Historical Archive ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Chinese Peasant ◽  
Regional Authorities

Introduction. The article publishes and provides a historical legal analysis of one letter by Prince Uday, ruler of Khorchin Khoshun (Horqin Banner) in Inner Mongolia at the end of 19th – first quarter of 20th century, who sent it to Pyotr Stolypin, the Prime-Minister of the Russian Empire, in 1910. This letter is a part of a file kept in the Russian State Historical Archive (St. Petersburg, Russia) in original Mongolian as well as in its Russian translation. As is known, the document was not published before. Goals. The aim of research is to extract from the Uday’s note — the information on the international legal status of Inner Mongolia which is given from the local ruler’s point of view. Results. The results of the research confirm the value of the note as a source, although its author attempted to emphasize his own significance in the eyes of the Russian authorities. Coupled with materials of other contemporaries (Russian and Western diplomats, intelligence officers, missionaries, merchants and scientists) it allows to give an authentic view on the status of Inner Mongolia at the international scene at the edge of 19th – 20th centuries. The utmost interest should be paid to the dynamics of relations of rulers of Inner Mongolia with the Qing imperial authorities that initiated a forced colonization of Mongolian lands through resettlement of Chinese peasant colonists, changes in relations of Manchu administration and Mongol feudal lords with Russian regional authorities and merchants, as well as strengthening of the Japanese influence in the region.

scholarly journals Bison bonasus bonasus as a museum exhibit in the 18th – early 20th centuries

2018 ◽  
Vol 322 (2) ◽  
pp. 160-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
A.A. Fedotova
Keyword(s):  
Scientific Community ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Genetic Research ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
European Bison ◽  
Bison Bonasus ◽  
Museum Exhibit ◽  
The Status ◽  
In The Wild ◽  
The Russian Empire

The paper discusses the Białowieża bison (Bison bonasus bonasus) as a museum exhibit in the 18th – early 20th centuries, basing on the analysis of archival documents, mainly from St. Petersburg. One of the last remnants of extinct megafauna once roaming through Europe, by the Early Modern time it had been eliminated in the most part of its previous range. In the 16th–18th century, it had the status of a natural curiosity and an exclusively royal game. In the 18th century, the carcasses of the European bison from the imperial menageries went into the cabinets of curiosities where they became the objects of study for naturalists. By the late 18th century, the last population of the European lowland bison had survived in Białowieża Primeval Forest, which became a part of the Russian Empire with the Third partition of Poland. The attention of the Imperial family, which preserved the system of protection of the European bison and the forest where they lived, ensured the survival of the species till WWI. The development of zoology and zoological collections provided a new status to the Białowieża bison – the status of a valuable gift of the Russian Tsar to a scientific community. To receive such a precious gift, a scientific community had to use its diplomatic and bureaucratic channels, to recruit a naturalist willing to travel to Białowieża, to organize a hunt, to process the skin and bones, and finally, to deliver this massive package to a museum. Nevertheless, throughout the second half of the 19th century, most requests made by European and Russian naturalists were granted and the majority of zoological museums received the European bison from Białowieża, either in form of a stuffed animal, a skeleton, or at least a skull. The transformation of the 17–18th century Kunstkammern into research zoological institutions and the development of taxidermy went in parallel with the transformation of the European bison as a museum exhibit. Stuffed animals became anatomically accurate; new expositions included habitat groups, and some institutions amassed extensive collections for comparative study. The presence of the European bison almost in every major European museum made them well known for wider public. In 1919, the last Białowieża bison was killed in the wild, but the popularity of this species helped the restitution of the animal. Nowadays, the “old” specimens are of interest not only from a historical point of view, but also as a source of samples for genetic research.

Diplomatic Ceremonial of the 18th Century in the Ottoman Empire throught the Eyes of Russian Diplomats

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6 (104)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Kozub
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of diplomatic ceremonial in the Ottoman Empire in the 18th century. Special attention is paid to such elements of the protocol as the meeting of foreign representatives, the presentation of gifts, the meal, the location of officials during the reception, and some other features. The authors analyze the notes and reports of Russian diplomats who visited the receptions of the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire and the Grand Vizier. Thanks to these sources, it was possible to learn the details of the ceremony and note the fact that Russian diplomats tried to describe what was happening at the receptions in such a way as to emphasize a special attitude towards themselves. In confirmation of this, the authors provide excerpts from preserved sources. In addition, the article draws attention to the fact that many elements of the protocol depended on the status of foreign representatives. In the Ottoman Empire, hierarchy played a significant role. The envoy could not be treated with the same dishware as the ambassador, and the ambassador, in turn, could not be treated with the same dishware as the Grand Vizier. The conclusion drawn in this article is that some elements of the diplomatic ceremonial could change depending on the representatives of which state came to the audience in the Ottoman Empire. Russian ambassadors and envoys were treated more hospitably than representatives of other states because of the Russian Empire's victories in the two Russo-Turkish wars. At receptions with Russian diplomats, there were changes in the protocol by decree of the Ottoman Sultan, in order to demonstrate respect not only for Russian officials, but also for the state as a whole.

UKRAINIAN MOTIVES IN THE WORKS OF JOSEF LOBODOWSKI

2019 ◽  
pp. 454-459
Author(s):  
Anna Ivanova
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Polish Literature ◽  
Entire Collection ◽  
The World ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Times ◽  
Available Information

The article is devoted to the life and work of the Polish writer, poet, translator Josef Lobodowski. It represents his biographical information, his relationship with Ukraine and the traditions of this region. Moreover, the poetry collection “Złota hramota” from the point of view of the Ukrainian question becomes the object of the article. The aim of the work is to systematize available information concerning the life and the creative input of the outstanding Pole, who, while living in Kuban, learned the Ukrainian language and fell in love with the Ukrainian culture and poetry. Josef Lobodowski is called the successor of the “Ukrainian school” in the Polish literature of the twentieth century, because within the scope of his works he appeals to the beauty of Ukrainian nature, Ukrainian history and, equally important, the Ukrainian question. Josef Lobodowski dedicated his articles and poetry to this issue, since he considered it necessary to regulate Ukrainian-Polish relations. In this work, particular attention is paid to the poetic collection “Złota hramota” by Josef Lobodowski, since it may be regarded as a poetic appeal to a modern person, which is partly due to the title of the collection. This collection has a significant historical background and brings us back to the times when the Poles began their struggle for freedom from the Russian Empire and the restoration of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In addition to this, the entire collection is rich in Ukrainian national motives and reveals the national issue and a no less important issue of Polish-Ukrainian relations. However, one should evaluate the contribution of Josef Lobodowski also as a translator from the Ukrainian language who introduced the pearls of Ukrainian poetry such as Taras Shevchenko and Yevhen Malaniuk to ordinary Poles. All things considered, Josef Lobodowski as a poet, publicist, translator and just a man who was captured by Ukrainian history and culture, highlights important and topical questions in his works, as well as contributes to the popularization of Ukrainian cultural achievements on the world stage.

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