Community to Imagined Community, Social Sectarianism to Political Sectarianism

2021 ◽  
pp. 329-350
Author(s):  
Azmi Bishara
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
Imagined Community ◽  
Religious Wars ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Structures ◽  
The Difference

This chapter looks at the transition from a community of religion qua community to the imagined sect, from social sectarianism to political sectarianism. This chapter lists four ways in which modern political sectarianism is distinct from the social solidarity of communities of confession or sect. Sectarianism, as this chapter demonstrates, does not generally proselytize, and when it does, it is usually a matter of cultivating political loyalty. Nor are sectarian wars for influence or territory the same as religious wars; although the two may sometimes overlap in some respects, the difference is essential. The chapter also elaborates on the conditions under which social structures, including tribal and sectarian ones, become political structures. When the state manages sectarian diversity, either by suppressing it or by providing it with representation in its various organs, it entrenches it.

Nation Branding

2020 ◽  
pp. 57-73
Author(s):  
Héctor Fernández L’Hoeste
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Nation Branding ◽  
Business Managers ◽  
Imagined Community ◽  
Social Sciences And Humanities ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Political Technology

This chapter proposes the practice of nation branding as a political technology, as an example of neoliberalism in which the definition of national identity, previously assessed primarily by the social sciences and humanities, becomes the domain of business managers and advertising executives, thanks to technologies associated with social media. It explains how the redefinition of social goods, the role of the state, and the role of experts entail the replacement of a more socially driven understanding of identity with an act of commercial prestidigitation by way of nation branding; the pertinent state entities are replaced by advertising and image consultancy firms; and, lastly, scholars of various disciplines are replaced by advertising and PR executives. In short, following neoliberalism, identity is reinterpreted as brand. Identity no longer results from the never-ending and instantaneous negotiation between a multiplicity of parties, representative of myriad aspects relevant to the configuration of individuals and communities, but is rendered instead as the quantifiable, concrete result of a variety of transactions. Through this reformulation, a new relationship is suggested between the idea of nation as imagined community and the reality of the state as a material expression of the concept of nation.

scholarly journals On the Social Welfare State in Russia

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 23-26
Author(s):  
Albina A. Stepanova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Social Welfare ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
Mutual Trust ◽  
Constitutional Amendments ◽  
Social State ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
The Social ◽  
State And Society

The article is devoted to the issues of defining Russia as a social state. The author reflects on the constitutional amendments, which are designed to ensure the implementation of the basis of the constitutional order of the social state. The article also indicates that some constitutional amendments are deeper in scope and content than previous rules. Thus, the principle of mutual trust between the state and society can act as a fundamental basis for other principles, in particular, for the principle of social solidarity.

Bringing What State Back In? Neo-Marxism and the Origin of the Committee on States and Social Structures

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 714-726
Author(s):  
Rafael Khachaturian
Keyword(s):  
New Left ◽  
Social Science Research ◽  
Science Research ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
Political Concept ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Capitalist State ◽  
The Relationship

This article examines the interdisciplinary movement to “bring the state back in,” advanced during the 1980s by the Committee on States and Social Structures. Drawing on the Committee’s archives at the Social Science Research Council, I show that its influential neo-Weberian conception of the state was developed in dialogue with earlier neo-Marxist debates about the capitalist state. However, its interpretation of neo-Marxism as a class reductive and functionalist variant of “grand theory” also created a narrative that marginalized the latter’s contributions to the literature on the state. This displacement had lasting consequences, for while neo-Marxist approaches had provided a critical perspective on the relationship between the social sciences and the state, the Committee’s narrative had a depoliticizing effect on this subject matter. Reconstructing this moment both recovers the forgotten influence of the New Left and neo-Marxist scholarship on postwar political science and sociology, and elaborates on the contested history of the state as a political concept.

scholarly journals Teisė į pensiją ir Konstitucinio Teismo praktika

Teisė ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 77 ◽  
pp. 34-49
Author(s):  
Vaidotas A. Vaičaitis
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Security ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
Human Rights Protection ◽  
Rights Protection ◽  
Force Majeure ◽  
The Social ◽  
State Pension

Straipsnyje analizuojama socialinio draudimo ir valstybinių pensijų sistema Lietuvoje, atskleidžiant, kad pirma sistema remiasi socialinio solidarumo principu, o antroji – atlyginimu už nuopelnus valstybei kri­terijumi. Straipsnio pagrindinė ašis – teisės į pensiją ir nuosavybės teisės santykis. Autoriaus nuomone, toks santykis egzistuoja tik netiesiogiai. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad socialinių išmokų dydis turėtų būti siejamas visų pirma su lėšų, surenkamų į socialinio draudimo fondą, dydžiu. Taip pat analizuojama ir ekonominė krizė, kaip tam tikra galima išimtis (force majeure) žmogaus socialinių ir ekonominių teisių srityje. The system of pensions (the social security pension and so called the state pension) in Lithuania is analyzed in the article. The social security pension is based on the principle of social solidarity, while the state pension is based on the idea of certain reward for merits granted for the particular society. The main issue of the article is to analyze relationship between one’s right to pension and right to ownership (property). According to the author, if such a relationship exists at all, it might be find only indirectly. Economic crisis as certain possible force majeure in the filed of human rights protection is also analysed in the article.

scholarly journals El nacimiento del Tawantinsuyu de los Habsburgo

1974 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 11-50
Author(s):  
Antoni Macierewicz
Keyword(s):  
New World ◽  
Social Classes ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Inca Empire ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Structures ◽  
In The Beginning

The article describes the history of interactions between the social structures of the freshly conquered Inca realm and the Spanish-designed structures brought on by the colonization of the New World. The article mentions the replacement of top sovereigns and elites of the Inca empire by Spaniards. In the beginning, the pace of changes within the lower and local social classes was very slow. Overall, the replacement of political structures was a time-consuming, top-down process.

scholarly journals CONCEPTUAL BASIS OF DEFINITION OF STATE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY OF UKRAINE

2020 ◽  
pp. 3-7
Author(s):  
S. K. Bostan
Keyword(s):  
Development Strategy ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
State Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
State Development ◽  
The Social ◽  
State Strategy

In the article it was noted, that the new ukrainian government is trying to decide the problems in the ukrainian’s society, but its actions are directed first of all at the achievement of the short-term, specific tasks to stabilize the situation in the country. It was emphasized, that its actions can produce some positive results, but the maximum level of their effectiveness can will be, if these tactical tasks will be realized on the basis of long term state strategy. It is determined that the state strategy is a moving social contract social contract concluded by the state government with citizens for a certain period and providing for perspective and long-term planning of the state development. The importance of the state strategy consists in openly proposals of the social values. It founds the basics for the social solidarity in achieving goals and so it constituted the state as unity power. The expediency of establishing a long term for implementing a state development strategy in Ukraine and building a democratic, social state of law as its ultimate goal have been paid attention to. It was emphasized that the determination of the constituent elements of a state strategy can be accomplished by the division of the state as an object of strategic planning into a number of “sub-objects” that have more specific short or medium-term tactical goals in the process. It was suggested that to rely on the scientific apparatus of the theory of state and law for defining these “sub-objects”. But it is a basic fact that the state as a social phenomenon consists of three main components, namely: form, content and essence. It was pointed out the form of the state as an external expression of the content and essence of the state, which are manifested through such elements as the form of political regime, form of state government and form of state-territorial structure. It was stressed out that the content is a sort of ordered set of institutional elements that make up the state. The essence of the state is a set of features of the state, which in unity reflect its qualitative properties, manifested through the functions of the state. It was were summarized that through consideration such elements should determine the long-term of development of the Ukrainian state, which will allow to optimize the process of political-public administration and to ensure its stability, consistency and continuity, based on clearly formulated long-term objectives.

scholarly journals Human dignity in the light of the Constitution, human rights and bioethics

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paulo André Stein Messetti ◽  
Dalmo De Abreu Dallari
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Human Dignity ◽  
The State ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Universal Declaration ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
The Right

Introduction: Human dignity, as coined by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR / 1948), is an expression social solidarity, which should cement the relations between people. Human dignity is the foundation of all rights, such as freedom, equality, justice and peace in the world, and in Brazil, human dignity was deemed a fundamental pillar of the country’s post-1988 constitutional order. Objective: This article seeks to a deeper investigation about the social nature of human dignity and its definition over time.     Methods: This is an exploratory research meant to unpack the concepts of "human dignity", "bioethics", "human rights" and "constitution". After describing the conceptual evolution of human dignity and the facts relevant to its conceptual formation in world history - as a normative standard and a legal rule -, we address the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR/1948), the Declaration of Helsinki (DH/1964), the Universal Declaration on Bioethics and Human Rights (UDBHR/2005), and the definition adopted in the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil (CFRB/1988). The study was carried out without temporal limitation, and included a review of referenced books, legal doctrines, as well as articles and books in the SciELO database. Results and discussion: The findings ratify that human dignity is the foundation of all rights, including those of freedom, equality, justice and peace in the world, and must also guide the rights and duties of social regulation. Human dignity has changed from a criterion of power attributed to the social position of individuals to a value of the right to freedom, which now goes beyond the right of freedom and is the basis of modern constitutional democracy, which makes possible the realization of solidarity, as well as the duty and purpose of the state and the community. The will of the subject, of society, of the science and of the state, as well as the rules of domination and regulation, must have a limit on human dignity, and human dignity is not just fundamental right, in the sense of the Constitution, and must prevail over the exclusive will of science, the State and society. Therefore, in the making of power decisions and in realization of possible innovations of science involving human beings, human dignity demands the explicit consideration of respect and promotion of it. Conclusion: Human dignity is enshrined in Brazilian constitutional law, as well as in bioethics and in human rights, and it constitutes all the fundamental rights of the human person. It is not merely a rule of autonomy and liberty, and it is an obligatory and non-derogable precept in the making of power decisions, a true main foundation of constitutional democracies.  

Resolving the Difference between Evolutionary Antecedents of Political Attitudes and Sources of Human Variation

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 549-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Lockyer ◽  
Peter K. Hatemi
Keyword(s):  
Resource Allocation ◽  
Human Evolution ◽  
Evolutionary Biology ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
Human Populations ◽  
Social Differences ◽  
The Social ◽  
Enormous Variation ◽  
The Difference

AbstractHumans, despite the country they inhabit, the social structures they constitute, and the forms of governments they live under, universally possess political attitudes; that is, those attitudes towards sexual norms, out-groups, resource allocation, cooperation and fairness. It has been proposed that this near universal manifestation across societies remains ingrained in the psychological architecture of humans because of human evolution. However, there is enormous variation in political attitudes within and across populations, and this variation is not merely a function of social differences but derives, in part, through neurobiological differences within human populations. Thus, there is great confusion on the difference between what has evolved as universal, and what is due to individual variation. This confusion, results, in part on the lack of integration of the theoretical mechanisms that addresses how humans vary within evolutionarily adaptive universals. Here we seek to fill this lacuna by explicating how evolutionary biology and psychology account for the universal need for humans to have political attitudes while neurobiological differences account for variation within those evolved structures.

scholarly journals Group size and modularity interact to shape the spread of infection and information through animal societies

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian C Evans ◽  
David J Hodgson ◽  
Neeltje J Boogert ◽  
Matthew J Silk
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Interactions ◽  
Simulation Models ◽  
Theoretical Models ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
Trade Off ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Spread Of Infection ◽  
Animal Societies

Social interactions between animals can provide many benefits, including the ability to gain useful environmental information through social learning. However, these social contacts can also facilitate the transmission of infectious diseases through a population. Animals engaging in social interactions must therefore face a trade-off between the potential informational benefits and the risk of acquiring disease. In order to understand how this trade-off can influence animal sociality, it is necessary to quantify the effects of different social structures on individuals' likelihood of acquiring information versus infection Theoretical models have suggested that modular social networks, associated with the formation of groups or sub-groups, can slow spread of infection by trapping it within particular groups. However these social structures will not necessarily impact the spread of information in the same way if its transmission is considered as a "complex contagion", e.g. through individuals copying the majority (conformist learning). Here we use simulation models to demonstrate that modular networks can promote the spread of information relative to the spread of infection, but only when the network is fragmented and group sizes are small. We show that the difference in transmission between information and disease is maximised for more well-connected social networks when the likelihood of transmission is intermediate. Our results have important implications for understanding the selective pressures operating on the social structure of animal societies, revealing that highly fragmented networks such as those formed in fission-fusion social groups and multilevel societies can be effective in modulating the infection-information trade-off for individuals within them.

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