Traces of the Birth of the State of Finland in Jylhä’s Translation of Paradise Lost

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Robertson
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Paradise Lost ◽  
The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Political Milieu

This chapter explores the ways in which the social and political conditions prevailing in the two decades after Finland had gained independence from Russia in December 1917 can be traced in Jylhä’s translation of Paradise Lost, Kadotettu paratiisi (1933). Jylhä was too young to participate in the civil war of 1918, but he was caught up in some of the fiercest fighting of the brief conflict. In the 1920s and 1930s many young artists consciously worked to move Finnish culture and politics away from Russian influence, towards Western Europe. Jylhä, a rising poet, was one of the youngest writers of this group, and his translations of European poetry are part of this effort. This chapter traces how lexical choices in his monumental translation of Milton’s epic, especially the War in Heaven, reveal his experience of his social and political milieu.

Religious protest and urban authority: the case of Henry Sherfield, iconoclast, 1633

1972 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 295-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Slack
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Urban Setting ◽  
English Revolution ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Star Chamber

The trial of Henry Sherfield, the puritan recorder of Salisbury, before Star Chamber in February 1633 was one of the most famous in that court’s last years; and his offence, ‘unlawfully, riotously and prophanely’ smashing the window in St Edmund’s church which contained pictures of the Creation, is one of the best-known cases of puritan religious protest in the years preceding the Civil War. But the background to the trial, and in particular the local tensions which lay behind it, have never been thoroughly explored. Yet Sherfield’s case, like the contemporary churchales controversy in Somerset, provides an example of that important amalgam of local and national issues which shaped the English Revolution. It also illuminates the social and political conditions which moulded Puritanism in an urban setting.

scholarly journals O CONTROLE SOCIAL DEMOCRÁTICO COMO MEDIDA DE ENFRENTAMENTO À VIOLÊNCIA NO BRASIL

Revista LEVS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (21) ◽  
Author(s):  
Weslei Trevizan AMÂNCIO
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
The State ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Conditions

Resumo: Colocamos em discussão neste artigo o tema da violência, com destaque para a crescente onda de sentimento de medo e insegurança das últimas décadas que abarca grande contingente de pessoas. Para contribuir com o debate, problematizamos o modelo hegemônico de ações ao enfrentamento à violência despendida pelos agentes do Estado, apontando seus limites estruturais. Nesse processo, apresentamos as condições sociais, culturais, econômicas e políticas que historicamente estão envoltas à problemática da violência no Brasil. Por fim, lançamos considerações sobre a proposta de controle social democrático da violência como alternativa ao seu enfrentamento.Palavras-chave: violência, insegurança, controle social, democracia. Abstract: We discuss in this article the theme of violence,  with emphasis on the growing wave of fear and insecurity in the last decades that encompasses a large contingent of people. To contribute to the debate, we problematize the hegemonic modelo factions to face the violence expended by agents of the State, pointing out its structural limits. In this process, we present the social, cultural, economic and political conditions that are historically involved in the problem of violence in Brazil. Finally, we present considerations about the proposal of democratic social control of violence as na alternative to its confrontation.Key words: violence, insecurity, social control, democracy.

Thomas Hobbes's Materialism, Language, and the Possibility of Politics

2008 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Dungey
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Human Nature ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
First Principles ◽  
Thomas Hobbes ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Obligation ◽  
English Civil War ◽  
The Social

AbstractThomas Hobbes sought a reconstruction of philosophy, ethics, and politics that would end, once and for all, the bitter disputes that led to the English Civil War. This reconstruction begins with the first principles of matter and motion and extends to a unique account of consent and political obligation. Hobbes intended to produce a unified philosophical system linking his materialist account of human nature to his moral and political theory. However, his materialism gives rise to a set of perceptions, imagination, and desires that contribute to the chaos of the state of nature. The sort of person that emerges from Hobbes's materialist anthropology is unlikely to be able to make the necessary agreements about common meaning and language that constitute the ground of the social contract. Therefore, Hobbes's materialism frustrates the very purpose for which it is conceived.

scholarly journals Rear Cover: Courtly Love in the Caucasus: Rustaveli’s Georgian Epic, The Knight in the Panther Skin

2012 ◽  
pp. A
Author(s):  
Dianne Ecklund Farrell
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Courtly Love ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
Love Poetry ◽  
Persian Literature ◽  
The West ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Courtly Culture ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Conditions

The Knight in the Panther Skin by Shota Rustaveli is the great medieval (ca. 1200) epic of Georgia, and its most distinctive feature is courtly or romantic love, which is its basic motivating force. This article seeks to establish in which respects The Knight in the Panther Skin resembles Western courtly love, and what the explanation for this resemblance might be. In this endeavor I have had to challenge a common (mis-) conception that Western courtly love was essentially illicit loveOne can easily demonstrate that the literary roots of The Knight in the Panther Skin lie in Persian literature rather than in direct contact with Western courtly love, but the reason for the resemblance to Western courtly love is more problematic.  Various possibilities are entertained:  namely, (1) that Arab love poetry gave rise to it in Georgia (and possibly also in the West, as has been held); (2) that Neoplatonism produced or constituted a philosophic underpinning for courtly love and that it was transmitted to Georgia and/or Western Europe (a) by Arab Neoplatonists; (b) by Western Christian Neoplatonists or (c) by Byzantine Neoplatonists. A third possibility is (3) that it arose due to social and political conditions. And what were the social and political circumstances in Georgia and in Western Europe which, at the same historical period, produced and elaborated a culture so deferential to the ladies?  And which, being absent in the Islamic world, did not produce courtly love there?  In Georgia a sovereign queen presided in the era of Georgia’s greatest power, wealth and extent. Feudal servitors crowded the court, eager to gain honors and riches for themselves through preferment by the queen, virtually guaranteeing a cult of adoration of the queen.  It is Sovereign Queen Tamar to whom Rustaveli dedicates his poem, and to her that he declares his undying love. In Provence, where there were many feudal heiresses, a similar incentive to “please the ladies” prevailed. No direct influence from the troubadours and minnesaenger of Southwestern Europe can be found. The evidence does not support Arab love poetry as a source of or conduit for courtly love, nor can Arab Neoplatonism have played a role. Byzantine Neoplatonism, however, was prominent in the courtly culture of Rustaveli’s time, and the social and political conditions in Georgia likewise were favorable to the rise of a culture of courtly love. Thus both intellectual and socio-political conditions favored the blooming of courtly love in twelfth-century Georgia.  

Thinking about civil wars with and beyond Bourdieu: State, capital and habitus in critical contexts

2021 ◽  
pp. 1468795X2110026
Author(s):  
Adam Baczko ◽  
Gilles Dorronsoro
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Social Reproduction ◽  
The State ◽  
Theoretical Interest ◽  
Scientific Object ◽  
The Social ◽  
State Capital ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Social Orders

Building on Marx and Weber, Bourdieu developed a sociology for scrutinizing the processes of domination and accumulation that allow social reproduction to take place. Yet, Bourdieu rarely tackled the breakdowns of social orders and never construed war as a scientific object, even if he signaled the theoretical interest in an inverse sociogenesis of the state. Despite this limitation, we argue that his work furnishes conceptual instruments for thinking about change and remains heuristic for understanding the dynamics of civil wars. These extreme situations in return let us rethink some of the theory’s central concepts (fields, habitus, capital). Thus, in succession we examine Bourdieu’s definition of the state (which fits into the Weberian tradition), explain the consequences of defining civil war as a violent competition between social orders, and end with an exploration of the social impacts of civil war on habitus.

scholarly journals The Efforts of Islamic Splinter Movements to Withstand from Heretical Issue in Indonesia: Study of LDII, MTA and Jam'iyyatul Islamiyah

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-113
Author(s):  
Zaki Faddad Syarif Zain ◽  
Anggi Wahyu Ari
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Field Research ◽  
The State ◽  
New Order ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The Social ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
Political Milieu

This article discusses how the splinter movements in Indonesia, namely LDII (Lembaga Dakwah Islam Indonesia), MTA (Majlis Tafsir Al Quran) and JMI (Jam'iyyatul Islamiyah) can survive and develop against two constraints that are the state and Islamic orthodox group. The methods of this research-based article are both library and field research. This article uses comparative analysis from the three movements include their adaptive means to the social and political milieu in Indonesia. The movements start to grow in the 1970'. In New Order Era (1966-1998), under Suharto authoritarian regime, these movements use the state approach by joining Golkar, government political party, and help the party to win general elections. However, in the 1990 era, when Suharto starts to embrace the orthodox group, government protection to those religious groups is not enough to withstand the heretical issues that have already spread in public. The issues lead to physical persecution from the mass to these movements. Thus, the only way to survive from that conditions, the three movements start to make an approach to  orthodox groups, especially MUI (Majlis Ulama Indonesia) the mainstream group representative such as NU (Nahdlatul Ulama) and Muhammadiyah two biggest Islamic groups in Indonesia, by making dialogues and complying the Islamic mainstream standards issued by MUI.     

The “Wisdom of the State”: Adam Smith on China and Tartary

2014 ◽  
Vol 108 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
RYAN PATRICK HANLEY
Keyword(s):  
Adam Smith ◽  
The State ◽  
Ethical Values ◽  
State Action ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Material Conditions ◽  
Legitimate State ◽  
Civic Institutions ◽  
Insight Into

Adam Smith's engagement with China and Tartary is a central yet underappreciated element of his economic and political thought. This article reconstructs this engagement and demonstrates its broader significance, arguing that it focuses on three themes: the economic institutions that promote domestic growth in a manner that alleviates the material conditions of the poorest, the social and political conditions that minimize the dependence of the poor on the wealthy, and the ethical values and civic institutions that guarantee the existential survival of the state. This treatment is significant for three reasons: It offers useful insight into the contested issue of Smith's conception of legitimate state action; it clarifies Smith's vision of a commercial order that promotes human dignity; and it reveals the depth of his participation in a specific contextual debate.

scholarly journals Strong state and weak minority in post-civil war Sri Lanka: A study based on state-in-society approach

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 72-78
Author(s):  
Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar ◽  
Mansoor Mohamed Fazil
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Social Order ◽  
The State ◽  
Security Measures ◽  
Social Force ◽  
Strong State ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Military Victory

This study aims to analyze the strong state of Sri Lanka that emerged after the civil war during the regime of Mahinda Rajapaksa. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was the leading Tamil militant social force, which was waging war against the government to form a separate state in the northern and eastern regions of Sri Lanka. The government ended both the separatist struggle of the LTTE and the civil war in May 2009 by winning a major military victory. This study is a qualitative analysis based on text analysis and field interviews, supplemented with limited observations. The study reveals that the state introduced enhanced security measures to avoid possible LTTE regrouping and re-commencement of violence in the country. The state also attempted to fragment minority parties to weaken the state reconstitution process through penetration and regulation of the social order.

Doing Bodhisattva’s Work

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 4-32
Author(s):  
Le Hoang Anh Thu
Keyword(s):  
Social Interaction ◽  
Social Class ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Social Stratification ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
The State ◽  
Ho Chi Minh City ◽  
Class Identity ◽  
The Social

This paper explores the charitable work of Buddhist women who work as petty traders in Hồ Chí Minh City. By focusing on the social interaction between givers and recipients, it examines the traders’ class identity, their perception of social stratification, and their relationship with the state. Charitable work reveals the petty traders’ negotiations with the state and with other social groups to define their moral and social status in Vietnam’s society. These negotiations contribute to their self-identification as a moral social class and to their perception of trade as ethical labor.

SOCIAL INSURANCE IN RUSSIA: STATE, CURRENT CHALLENGES AND RESPONSES TO THEM

2020 ◽  
pp. 75-95
Author(s):  
Lyudmila A. Migranova ◽  
◽  
Valentin D. Roik ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Insurance ◽  
Pension Fund ◽  
The State ◽  
Insurance Fund ◽  
Social Risks ◽  
Social Insurance Fund ◽  
Subsistence Minimum ◽  
The Social ◽  
Mandatory Health Insurance ◽  
Insurance Funds

The article deals with the issues of functioning of the social insurance institution, the organizational-legal and financial forms of which are presented by the state extrabudgetary social funds - Pension Fund of Russia, Mandatory Social Insurance Fund and Mandatory Health Insurance Fund. It considers the main characteristics of social insurance: a) scope of covering the employed population by insurance protection; b) contribution rates as related to wages; c) level of protection of population incomes (pensions and benefits as related to wages and subsistence minimum); d) availability of quality medical assistance and rehabilitation services. There are analyzed the present social risks and problems of the RF insurance system. The main problem is that the amount of financial expenditures on all types of social insurance per beneficiary is about half that of most developed and developing countries. The primary cause is lacking motivation of both employees and employers to participate in the mandatory social insurance and to legalize their earnings. In the conclusion there are formulated a number of proposals for improvement of the institution of social insurance in Russia. It is proposed to expand the range of insurance cases concerning unemployment insurance and care for elderly people, to increase the total amount of compulsory contributions to extrabudgetary insurance funds from 30.2% up to 42.5% from three sources - employees, employers and the state.

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