scholarly journals Non-Proliferation and Counter-Proliferation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Kienzle
Keyword(s):  
International Organizations ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Policy Responses ◽  
The North ◽  
The United Kingdom

European approaches to the proliferation of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons—the so-called weapons of mass destruction (WMD)—have undergone a profound transformation during the last few decades. This chapter will trace the varying European policy responses to WMD proliferation over time and examine how European security doctrines have evolved more recently in this area. It will focus on processes of doctrinal convergence and divergence both in the three major powers in Europe—France, Germany, and the United Kingdom—and in other European states with a significant non-proliferation policy of their own, especially Austria, Ireland, and Sweden. In this context, it will also take into consideration the influence of relevant international organizations such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union.

scholarly journals United States Joins with Allies, Including NATO, to Attribute Malicious Cyber Activities to China

2021 ◽  
Vol 115 (4) ◽  
pp. 715-721
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The North ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Made In

In July, the United States, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Union (EU), and other allies attributed a variety of malicious cyber activities, including the Microsoft Exchange hack, to China. This joint attribution builds on commitments made in June summits with NATO, the G7, the EU, and the United Kingdom, and is consistent with the Biden administration's multilateral approach to confronting cybersecurity threats and China more generally. Still, critics question whether the administration's efforts will succeed in altering the behavior of states that pose cybersecurity threats to the United States.

Part I General Framework, 3 Multinational Military Operations

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fleck Dieter ◽  
Newton Michael A ◽  
Grenfell Katarina
Keyword(s):  
International Organizations ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
The North ◽  
The Us ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
And Control ◽  
Military Units

This chapter discusses the use of multinational military units. Some European States, such as Germany, have incorporated large, if not most, parts of their national military forces in permanent multinational units. Many other States including the US are forming ad hoc military units for specific operations. The UN, NATO, and other international organizations are pursuing standby arrangements and high readiness commitments to allow for rapid response. In all these situations command and control issues are to be considered. While there are many different forms of multinational military cooperation, and Sending States will avoid regulating these matters in status-of-forces agreements (SOFAs) with the Receiving State, they are nevertheless relevant for the law and practice of Visiting Forces. This chapter draws some conclusions on the concept of multinational military operations for the North Atlantic Alliance, the European Union, and beyond.

scholarly journals Brexit’s implications for EU-NATO cooperation: Transatlantic bridge no more?

2020 ◽  
pp. 136914812096381
Author(s):  
Nele Marianne Ewers-Peters
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
Decision To Leave ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The Relationship

Since its accession to the European Union, the United Kingdom has played an important role in the design and development of the European Union’s foreign, security and defence policy. While it is among the founding members of North Atlantic Treaty Organization, it is also one of the main contributors to European security and played an active part in developing the relationship between both organisations. With the United Kingdom’s decision to leave the European Union, questions concerning the implications of Brexit on European Union–North Atlantic Treaty Organization cooperation arise. As the transatlantic bridge between the two organisations, Britain also faces an uncertain position within the European security architecture. It therefore needs to redefine its relations with the European Union and its own position among other member states. Taking into account the development of national security interests and recent political events, this article develops three possible scenarios that may occur for the European Union–North Atlantic Treaty Organization relationship depending on the outcome of the Brexit negotiations.

THE ACTIVIY OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN COVID-19 CRISIS MANAGEMENT

2021 ◽  
pp. 114-127
Author(s):  
Svetlana Cebotari ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Interpersonal Relationships ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
World Health ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The North ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Health Organization ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Impact

One of the most discussed issues in academia, but also in the discourse of polemologists, political scientists, economists and specialists in other fields is the issue regarding the impact of the COVID-19 virus on international security. Although all the attention of the international community has been focused on the emergence of the COVID-19 virus and its impact on the individual, societal, human and interpersonal relationships, it is worth paying attention to the involvement of international organizations in managing the COVID-19 crisis. This article aims to highlight the role and involvement of international organizations in managing the COVID-19 crisis. The involvement of the United Nations, specifically of the UN Security Council, in the management of issues related to the COVID-19 crisis will be examined. The activity of the World Health Organization, the European Union, the North Atlantic Alliance in the management of the COVID-19 pandemic will also be examined.

POLAND IN DEVELOPING EUROPEAN SECURITY SYSTEM – MILITARY ASPECT

2011 ◽  
Vol 161 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-44
Author(s):  
Marek KULCZYCKI
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Security System ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
The North ◽  
European Area ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Military Activity ◽  
Military Units

The article describes Poland’s involvement in the activities of three organisations: NATO, EU and OSCE, which constitute the basis of the European security system. This activity has been shown over the last two decades, from the early 1990s until today. The author of the article describes the employment of Polish military units in the operations conducted by the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union in the European area as well as the civil and military activity in the missions conducted by OSCE. The article also mentions the Polish contribution to maintaining security on our continent.

Changing Partners at Fifty? French Security Policy after Libya in Light of the Élysée Treaty

2013 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colette Mazzucelli
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Charles De Gaulle ◽  
The North ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Bilateral Cooperation ◽  
European Partner ◽  
De Gaulle

The 2011 Libya campaign highlighted the divergence of interests between France and Germany within the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in matters of Middle East and global security. This divergence calls for a reassessment of the meaning of their bilateral cooperation, as defined in the Treaty of Friendship between France and Germany, otherwise known as the Élysée Treaty, signed on 22 January 1963 by Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and President Charles de Gaulle. This article focuses on France, which engaged militarily in Libya cooperating with the United Kingdom as its principal European partner. Germany, for reasons explained by its history, political culture, and the nature of its federal system, chose to abstain in the United Nations vote to authorize the campaign. These differences between France and Germany suggest a contrast in their respective security and, particularly defense, policy objectives on the fiftieth anniversary of the Élysée Treaty.

The autonomy of international organizations? The analysis of major powers’ influence over the World Bank’s aid policies

2021 ◽  
pp. 223386592110248
Author(s):  
Yooneui Kim ◽  
Youngwan Kim
Keyword(s):  
World Bank ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Development Assistance ◽  
The United States ◽  
Official Development Assistance ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The World Bank ◽  
The World

Are international organizations autonomous actors in global politics? This paper investigates whether and how major powers influence the World Bank’s official development assistance policies. Despite the World Bank’s attempts to maintain independence from its member states, we argue that major powers are still influential. Testing this expectation with the data of official development assistance provisions between 1981 and 2017, we find that the World Bank provides a higher amount of official development assistance to the recipient countries that receive a higher amount of such assistance from the major powers such as the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany and Japan. In addition, the World Bank is prone to provide a higher amount of official development assistance to the recipients that have a similar preference to the major powers. This study sheds light on the relations between major powers and international organizations.

un Security Council vs. Weapons of Mass Destruction

2016 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-161
Author(s):  
Hans Blix
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Security Council ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The Cold War

International institutions given the task to maintain collective security and to seek disarmament need to build on cooperation between major powers. The authors of the un Charter vested great powers in the Security Council but a consensus between the five permanent great powers was required for use of the powers. This inevitably paralyzed the Council during the Cold War. After the end of the Cold War, the permanent members have remained unable jointly to pursue disarmament, but they have succeeded in several remarkable cases to reach consensus, notably on measures to prevent the further spread of weapons of mass destruction. The quick action to eliminate chemical weapons in Syria was a win-win case led by us-Russian diplomacy, while the comprehensive deal settling the controversy over Iran’s nuclear program was a victory for patient diplomacy involving all permanent members and the eu. These actions show the potentials of the Council.

Allied High Commission for Germany

1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 825-832
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Scrap Metal ◽  
German Federal Republic ◽  
The North ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Contractual Agreements

With the development of certain administrative frictions (concerning coal quotas, occupation costs, and the scrap metal treaty) between the western occupying powers and the German Federal Republic, early indications were that if the talk of “contractual agreements” did materialize it would reserve, for the occupying powers, wide controls over important areas of west Germany's internal and external affairs. In Washington, however, a general modification of approach was noted during the September discussions between the United States Secretary of State (Acheson), the United Kingdom Foreign Secretary (Morrison), and the French Foreign Minister (Schuman), preparatory to the Ottawa meetings of the North Atlantic Council.

scholarly journals Comparative Aspects Regarding The Regulation Of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles

2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 424-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florin Fainisi ◽  
Victor Al. Fainisi
Keyword(s):  
Unmanned Aerial Vehicles ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Civil Aviation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Chicago Convention ◽  
The North ◽  
Aerial Vehicles ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military ◽  
Legislative Measures

Abstract The technology of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) has constantly developed in the last decade, becoming a key feature of the military programs and operations in Europe and the US, and the industry market has considerably grown. The vast majority of this growth is at the US level, whose military budget is bigger than of any other state in the world. On the other hand, with respect to the civil market, the sale of these kinds of aircrafts is in its initial stages, even though there are lots of fields in which it can be applied. In general, the states have begun to take legislative measures so that the unmanned flight of such an aircraft in areas open to civil aircrafts is controlled, so that any danger to the civil aircrafts should be avoided. The countries of the European Union that have not legislated this field are subject to Regulation 216/2008/EC regarding common norms in the civil aviation field and the Chicago Convention. Furthermore, all EU states are NATO members and thus apply in principle the norms established by the North-Atlantic Organization.

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