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2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (Issue Vol 20, No 3 (2021)) ◽  
pp. 456-481
Author(s):  
Viacheslav LIASHENKO ◽  
Iryna PIDORYCHEVA ◽  
Valentyna ANTONIUK

The paper is dedicated to the issues of Ukraine’s integration into the European Research Area (ERA) – a single research and innovation space open to the world and based on the internal market, which ensures the free exchange of researchers, scientific knowledge and technology. A comparative analysis of the institutional prerequisites for the creation of a single European research and innovation area has been conducted. The legislative basis of the European integration vector of Ukraine’s development in the science, technology and innovation sector is substantiated, while the flaws in the organisational and institutional support for euro-integrational reforms are identified. The idea and phases of ERA development are considered, the problems of implementing the Roadmap of Ukraine’s integration of into ERA are defined. The main European programs of scientific, technological and innovative cooperation are systematized and Ukraine’s participation in them is analysed. The case of cooperation between the Silesian Technological University «Silesian Polytechnic in Gliwice» and the Institute of Industrial Economics of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine is considered as a positive example of establishing collaboration in research and development between Ukrainian and European partner organizations. The authors propose the framework for creating institutional conditions that would ensure proper functioning and cohesion of the scientific, technological and innovative sector of Ukraine, as well as its effective integration to ERA in compliance with the strategic interests of international cooperation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasmina Saric ◽  
Miriam Bolz ◽  
Marco Waser ◽  
Michael Käser

AbstractBetween 2014 and 2016, Switzerland’s access to some of the EU funding was limited after a referendum against mass immigration was accepted and the country refused to sign the free movement accord to the EU’s newest member, Croatia. It is well documented that Switzerland has suffered from a drop in participation, funding and a decrease in consortium lead positions. However, there is no account of the consequences on institutional level. We therefore aimed at describing the immediate- and longer-term impact of the partial association status to the Swiss Tropical and Public Health Institute (Swiss TPH) and to identify key strategies for minimizing institutional damage during a limited access period to a key regional funding source. A quantitative analysis of the institute’s grants database, from 2007 to 2019, did not show any clear trends related to the partial association status of Switzerland for funding and projects awarded. The qualitative outcomes changed along the timeline assessed; whereas in 2014 a range of negative effects were stated by Swiss TPH researchers, a survey conducted in 2019 with Swiss TPH applicants and project partners to Horizon 2020, revealed that most project leaders felt that the partial association did neither affect their external partners’ willingness to collaborate nor Swiss TPH’s role in the proposal or consortium. On the other hand, the institutional strategic goal of taking on consortia leads was delayed by several years as a direct consequence of the partial association. Also, the exclusion from European research networks and the lack of consultation of expertise by the European partner institutions was widely seen as damaging. A policy of favouring long-term partnerships over ad-hoc collaborations, along with constant and trustful communication, as immediate mitigation measure, helped averting some of the reputational and access damage. Moreover, the Swiss TPH business model based on a three-way strategy of research, education and services has proven highly viable allowing to build a large pool of potential funding sources internationally, resulting in relative resilience in terms of income lost.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (Vol 19, No 3 (2020)) ◽  
pp. 456-481
Author(s):  
Viacheslav LIASHENKO ◽  
Iryna PIDORYCHEVA ◽  
Valentyna ANTONIUK

The paper is dedicated to the issues of Ukraine’s integration into the European Research Area (ERA) – a single research and innovation space open to the world and based on the internal market, which ensures the free exchange of researchers, scientific knowledge and technology. A comparative analysis of the institutional prerequisites for the creation of a single European research and innovation area has been conducted. The legislative basis of the European integration vector of Ukraine’s development in the science, technology and innovation sector is substantiated, while the flaws in the organisational and institutional support for euro-integrational reforms are identified. The idea and phases of ERA development are considered, the problems of implementing the Roadmap of Ukraine’s integration of into ERA are defined. The main European programs of scientific, technological and innovative cooperation are systematized and Ukraine’s participation in them is analysed. The case of cooperation between the Silesian Technological University «Silesian Polytechnic in Gliwice» and the Institute of Industrial Economics of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine is considered as a positive example of establishing collaboration in research and development between Ukrainian and European partner organizations. The authors propose the framework for creating institutional conditions that would ensure proper functioning and cohesion of the scientific, technological and innovative sector of Ukraine, as well as its effective integration to ERA in compliance with the strategic interests of international cooperation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 552-556
Author(s):  
Alejandro G. Graziano ◽  
Kyle Handley ◽  
Nuno Limão

We examine if Brexit uncertainty has trade externalities beyond Europe. Using detailed data on export values and participation, tariffs, and Brexit probabilities prior to the referendum, we estimate ongoing negative trade-uncertainty elasticities between the United Kingdom and its non-European partner countries in preferential trade agreements that will require renegotiation post-Brexit. We use them to isolate the impact of the referendum on export values and net entry; we find effects similar to those identified by Graziano et al. (2018) for the UK and EU.


Author(s):  
Margaryta Lymar

The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 174-180
Author(s):  
Denis Pogonyshev ◽  
Tatiana Storchak ◽  
Nadezhda Nemchinova ◽  
Irina Pogonysheva

Currently, cooperation between business community and higher education institutions is a priority trend of the Russian higher education system. We consider the European practices of cooperation between universities and potential employers which is being implemented in the Russian HEIs within the project “Evaluation of Quality of Cooperation in Education Ecosystem as a Mechanism for Building Professional Competencies - E3M” approved for funding within the European Commission Tempus IV in 2013. The paper dwells upon the state of cooperation between Nizhnevartovsk State University and local business community, considering new market conditions, and offers solutions to the challenges of productive cooperation with potential employers with the view of the best practices implemented by European partner universities and project consortium members. Keywords: cooperation, quality of education, employers, university


2018 ◽  
pp. 93-107
Author(s):  
Bogdan Koszel

Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Russia has become Germany’s main Central European partner. The economic interests and hopes of gigantic contracts to modernize the Russian economy have played a colossal role in German policy. The Government of Chancellor Angela Merkel aspired to shape the Eastern policy of the European Union, and it was highly favorable towards the strategy of Russian modernization to be implemented with the participation of Western partners, as proposed by President Medvedev in 2009. However, this project never went beyond the stage of preliminary agreements, and both sides are increasingly disappointed with its progress. Germany continues to aspire to play the role of the leading EU member state involved in the transformation process in Russia, yet this is no longer treated in terms of the ‘Russia first’ attitude without any reservations. Germans are becoming increasingly aware that their efforts are doomed to fail without true Russian efforts aimed at the democratization of both their public life and economic structures.


Author(s):  
Dorota Samborska-Kukuć

There is more to the literary polemic between the author of The Doll and the creator of The Trilogy than merely Prus’ contradictory review of Sienkiewicz’s With Fire and Sword. It also includes The Doll’s multifarious allusiveness to Fire in the Steppe, manifested in particular in the meaningful, symbolic ending, whereby both protagonists blow themselves up, literally and metaphorically cornered in old buildings. Prus converses with Sienkiewicz in a discreet manner, though the careful reader will spot contentious issues. These include the struggle for a different type of protagonist – not a hero, but an individual entangled in romantic myths, paralysing their life forces; a different perception of the past, rational and fair rather than glorified and martyrological; finally, a different outlook on the present and the future, promoting entrepreneurship and economy as tools for the development of Poland as a European partner, rather than the idealistic focus on the utopian, foregone concepts of military achievements. The text highlights the similarities in the characters of Wokulski and Wołodyjowski, with special emphasis on the final scenes and the demise of the world after the protagonists’ respective disappearance. The two famous literary suicides, patterning after the deed of Ordon as depicted in Mickiewicz’s poem, have been parodied (e.g. by Mrożek) and adopted, thus becoming literary weapons in the struggle with the Polish mythopoeia, xenophobia, and exaggerated patriotism.


2015 ◽  
Vol 662 (1) ◽  
pp. 148-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia H. Schroedter ◽  
Jörg Rössel ◽  
Georg Datler

We analyze the impact of intermarriage, and transnational social relations and experiences on the emergence of European identity. According to the structuralist theory of identification, European social relations, with European intermarriage as an especially important relation, and experiences should explain European identifications. Our analysis is based on a survey in Zurich, Switzerland, providing a broad array of data that allow testing the impact of a European partner on European identification for Swiss and how transnational social relations and experiences contribute to both Swiss and non-Swiss feeling European. Overall, we find that a partner from another European country (for Swiss natives) and transnational social relations and experiences have an important role in explaining European identification. The most important differences are between Swiss and EU citizens living in Switzerland where, for the latter, the meaning of Europe is differently constructed. Specifically, EU citizens see less conflict between national and European identification.


2013 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colette Mazzucelli

The 2011 Libya campaign highlighted the divergence of interests between France and Germany within the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in matters of Middle East and global security. This divergence calls for a reassessment of the meaning of their bilateral cooperation, as defined in the Treaty of Friendship between France and Germany, otherwise known as the Élysée Treaty, signed on 22 January 1963 by Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and President Charles de Gaulle. This article focuses on France, which engaged militarily in Libya cooperating with the United Kingdom as its principal European partner. Germany, for reasons explained by its history, political culture, and the nature of its federal system, chose to abstain in the United Nations vote to authorize the campaign. These differences between France and Germany suggest a contrast in their respective security and, particularly defense, policy objectives on the fiftieth anniversary of the Élysée Treaty.


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