scholarly journals MIRROR ON THE WALL; Refleksivitas Keberpihakan Media Dalam Pemilihan Presiden Tahun 2014.

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fiandy Mauliansyah

This paper wants to examine how media bias in the political process in Indonesia especially in the context of the presidential election in 2014. The study found that in the present political news about the elections, the mass media over use to the theory of journalism, which is based on the values of fame ( prominency) or public figures (public figure) instead of human values (human interest) and public interest (signifcant). So the media often promote norm "zero-sum" in politics, as a part of the discipline of media coverage on the election. Media stuck to pit two or more presidential candidates by calculating their speed running after quantity of support, regardless of whether the support is achieved by means of political mobilization false or adequate education.Keywords: Bias Political. Balancing Media. Media Coverage

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Anita McMurtry

Now that media coverage has waned, it is the time for reflecting on last year’s highs and lows as we make improvements for the future. Extensively covered in the media, the midterm election cycle was a 2018 event for the history books. These developments still present a unique opportunity for teaching civic engagement to students. We professors may have been energetic and eager about discussing the issues in our classrooms. On the contrary, some of our students might have lacked the same enthusiasm. Others may have expressed outright anxiety regarding the political process. What can we do to help with such issues in the future?


Author(s):  
Paul Alonso

Chapter 2 analyzes Last Week Tonight With John Oliver (LWT), the political news satire show aired on HBO since 2014. While TDS satirized TV journalism’s coverage of news and TCR parodied the conservative rhetoric in the media, LWT presents investigations, generating in-depth coverage of national and international public interest issues. Chapter 2 analyzes LWT in relation to the academic debates and scholarly work generated by its successful predecessors. By contextualizing and examining the show in relation to the evolution of political infotainment in the United States, I show how LWT not only fills gaps left by mainstream media, but also takes satire to a more international, activist, and investigative level. Because U.S. political infotainment has been internationally influential, this chapter also serves to illuminate the debates about the genre to be applied to the Latin American cases, which have remained academically unexplored.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-96
Author(s):  
Muhammad Anshori

This paper explores the meaning of reality constructions coverage two online media, Tribunnews.com and Detik.com, about "Raja Jokowi" in the general election 2019. The study uses a qualitative method with Entman analysis framing to express means of the media coverage—data collected by taking primary and secondary sources. Primer data took from two online media news that is restricted to November 11-20, 2018. Furthermore, I collected second sources from journals, research reports, online news portals, and books. All online media have been limited by news numbers; Tribunnews.com is five news, and Detik.com is five news. Resulting studies that two online media have been featured a neutral information about "Raja Jokowi" poster. It can be proved with choosing diction word that does not contain controversial. This condition is essential as a social stabilization strut in other to does not occurs a vertical conflict in the political momentum. Meanwhile, the campaign team of Jokowi, know as Tim Kampanye Nasional (TKN), has wisely explored in the media for all of the black campaigns; it will all be taken care by the authorities. The political elite’s consciousness to dampen the masses and fanatical society towards one of the spouses of presidential candidates is a maturity in democracy.Artikel ini mengeksplorasi makna konstruksi realitas pemberitaan dua media online, Tribunnews.com dan Detik.com, tentang “Raja Jokowi” pada momentum pemilihan presiden tahun 2019. Untuk mengungkapkan makna tersebut, studi ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan analisis framing Entman. Data dikumpulkan dengan pengambilan sumber data primer dan sekunder. Data primer diperoleh dari berita online dua media dengan batasan waktu 11-20 Nopember 2018. Masing-masing media online di batasi jumlah beritanya; Tribunnews.com berjumlah 5 berita dan Detik.com berjumlah 5 berita. Sementara itu, sumber sekunder dikumpulkan melalui sumber dari jurnal, laporan penelitian, portal berita online, dan buku. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kedua media online tersebut memberitakan tentang poster “Raja Jokowi” bersifat netral. Hal ini dapat dibuktikan dengan pilihan diksi kata yang tidak mengandung kontroversi. Kondisi ini penting sebagai penyangga stabilitas sosial agar tidak terjadi konflik vertikal di tengah politik nasional yang memanas. Sementara itu, kampanye yang mengarah kepada Tim Sukses pemenangan Jokowi, disebut juga Tim Kampanye Nasional (TKN), dapat dihandel secara bijak. Pernyataan Ketua Tim Sukses Jokowi, Erick Tohir, secara bijak menyampaikan dalam media, segala sesuatu yang mengarah kepada kampanye hitam (black campign), semua akan diurus oleh pihak berwenang. Kesadaran elit politik untuk meredam masa dan masyarakat yang fanatik terhadap salah satu pasangan Calon Presiden adalah bentuk kedewasaan dalam berdemokrasi.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-164
Author(s):  
Roni Jayawinangun ◽  
David Rizar Nugroho

Political participation is an important problem because it is one form of support that comes from various parties or groups. Political participation is inseparable from the media as a means of information for the community. Beginner voters are one part of the community whose voice is needed in the political process. Beginner voters with media are two things that cannot be separated, especially the use of social media. The research objective consists of several things, namely: 1). Knowing the characteristics of beginner voters in Bogor Regency; 2). Knowing the use of social media in accessing political news on beginner voters; 3). Analyzing the political typology of beginner voters; 4). Analyzing the segmentation of beginner voter typology based on access to political news on social media. This study used a survey approach and data collection using a questionnaire on 105 respondents. The sampling method uses quota sampling while the data analysis uses descriptive analysis, mean scores and CHAID. The results of this study indicate that the characteristics of beginner voters in Bogor Regency are dominated by women, high school education, not participating in the organization. Instagram is the most widely used social media as access to political news. The typology of beginner voters from the largest percentage is apathetic voters followed by naive, alienated and loyal voters, the media, the more access to news through social media encourages voters to be loyal, without accessing politics through social media makes voters apathetic.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Kitzberger

The Citizens’ Revolution, the political process initiated in Ecuador with the presidential inauguration of Rafael Correa in 2007, initiated a radical transformation in the media comparable to other progressive governmental experiments in the region. The political process led by Correa has pursued a change in power relations and ownership, the introduction of regulation, the demystification of the established media discourse, and an abandonment of the market as a guiding principle in the media. From the perspective of the equitable redistribution of media power, however, it is still an open process whose outcome is uncertain. La Revolución Ciudadana, el proceso político iniciado en el Ecuador con la investidura presidencial de Rafael Correa en 2007, inició una transformación radical en los medios de comunicación comparables a otros experimentos gubernamentales progresistas de la región. El proceso político liderado por Correa ha buscado un cambio en las relaciones de poder y la propiedad, la introducción de la regulación, la desmistificación del discurso de los medios establecidos, y un abandono del mercado como principio rector en los medios de comunicación. Desde la perspectiva de la redistribución equitativa de poder de los medios, sin embargo, sigue siendo un proceso abierto cuyo resultado es incierto.


Author(s):  
Rocío Zamora ◽  
Juan Antonio Marín Albadalejo

Resumen Lo que algunos ya llaman una cultura política del escándalo (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) ha supuesto el reconocimiento del poder de los medios en la construcción simbólica del escándalo, a partir del énfasis en ciertos marcos interpretativos con los que se narran las conductas que condicionan la percepción pública de los escándalos políticos. Este trabajo se centra en la representación simbólica de los escándalos de corrupción política. El análisis de la cobertura periodística sobre un caso de gran actualidad en Murcia, el ‘caso Umbra’, demuestra que, además de por el relato político-técnico, legal y moral, los escándalos de corrupción política pueden ser también enmarcados desde el enfoque reputacional, es decir, a partir de preocupación por el deterioro de la imagen que la proliferación de escándalos de corrupción política ofrece sobre un territorio concreto y  sus instituciones.Palabras clave Escándalo político, corrupción política, framing, cultura política, poder político.AbstractWe live in, as some scholars called, a scandal political culture (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) that has supposed the recognition of the media power in the symbolic construction of scandals, where the emphasis in certain interpretive frames with which behaviours are narrated determine public perceptions of the political scandals. This article focuses on the symbolic representation of political corruption scandals. The analysis of the media coverage on this great current importance case in Murcia, called the ‘Umbra’ case, demonstrates that, besides the political- technical, legal and moral, the political corruption, scandals can be framed also from the reputation approach, that is to say, from the worried deterioration on the public image that political corruption scandals proliferation supposes on a concrete territory and his institutions.Keywords Political scandal, political corruption, framing, political culture, political power.


Author(s):  
Stefaan Walgrave ◽  
Peter Van Aelst

Recently, the number of studies examining whether media coverage has an effect on the political agenda has been growing strongly. Most studies found that preceding media coverage does exert an effect on the subsequent attention for issues by political actors. These effects are contingent, though, they depend on the type of issue and the type of political actor one is dealing with. Most extant work has drawn on aggregate time-series designs, and the field is as good as fully non-comparative. To further develop our knowledge about how and why the mass media exert influence on the political agenda, three ways forward are suggested. First, we need better theory about why political actors would adopt media issues and start devoting attention to them. The core of such a theory should be the notion of the applicability of information encapsulated in the media coverage to the goals and the task at hand of the political actors. Media information has a number of features that make it very attractive for political actors to use—it is often negative, for instance. Second, we plead for a disaggregation of the level of analysis from the institutional level (e.g., parliament) or the collective actor level (e.g., party) to the individual level (e.g., members of parliament). Since individuals process media information, and since the goals and tasks of individuals that trigger the applicability mechanism are diverse, the best way to move forward is to tackle the agenda setting puzzle at the individual level. This implies surveying individual elites or, even better, implementing experimental designs to individual elite actors. Third, the field is in dire need of comparative work comparing how political actors respond to media coverage across countries or political systems.


1990 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Gordon Hands

There has been considerable debate in recent years about the effects of the teaching of Politics upon levels of ‘political literacy’ – the knowledge and understanding of the political process and political issues which enables people to perform their roles as citizens effectively. Almost everyone receives some form of political education. For most people, however, the process of political education is informal: political knowledge, as well as opinions and attitudes, is picked up from the family, friends and the media. Informal political education also takes place in schools. In primary schools, children acquire elementary information about the political system, parties, leaders and so on. In secondary schools, subjects such as History and Geography and courses in General Studies frequently involve topics that are relevant to politics.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoffer Green-Pedersen ◽  
Peter B. Mortensen ◽  
Gunnar Thesen

The literature on political actors’ media appearances has repeatedly documented the so-called incumbency bonus (that parties and politicians in government have more media coverage than those in the opposition). This bias is normally attributed to news criteria that reflect political power, such as relevance and the elite status of actors. Supplementing existing perspectives, this study puts forward a new explanation of the incumbency bonus. The article argues that variations in the media dominance of incumbents are the result of the interplay between journalistic norms and political context. Outside election campaigns, political news is driven by the ‘watch dog’ norm. Thus the media focus on societal problems, which produces a critical emphasis on incumbent actors. But when party competition intensifies, either during campaigns or when issues become salient, the norm of objective and impartial journalism results in a more balanced coverage where challengers increase their presence. The argument receives support through multivariate models of incumbent and challenger appearances in Danish radio news broadcasts over a twenty-year period. Finally, in terms of democratic implications, the importance of the watchdog norm challenges the assumption that the incumbency bonus constitutes an electoral asset. Since media dominance is closely related to government responsibility for all kinds of problems, incumbent support is found to dwindle with increased media appearances.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Бударина ◽  
Kseniya Budarina

The article examines the media´s ability to influence the process of forming political and civic culture of Russian youth. The author revealed the essence of the institute of the media and identified the main functional characteristics of the subject of the political process. The transformation of political values of the Russian youth is substantiated, as well as the instability of its political views in terms of mediatization and development of social media is considered. The priority of media activities is specified that affects the formation of political knowledge and attitudes of young people.


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