#Trump #Fakenews #Notmypresident

Author(s):  
Sheryl M. Kennedy Haydel ◽  
Shearon D. Roberts

In the 2016 general elections, a Stanford University study found that American voters shared fake news stories at extraordinary high levels about the leading candidates, adding up to over 30 million times. While the primary researchers for this study noted that this number does not necessarily mean that fake news was persuasive, it suggests its accessibility, readability, and sharing was pervasive in the last election. This chapter looks at media and politics literacy for the millennial voter of color, who scholars describe as having low-levels of information, and media literacy. The irony is this is a group most in need of news and information for making informed decisions, as they are often first-time voters, now engaging with the political process. The classroom at an HBCU is part textbook and part bringing textbook to life, contextualizing the past and the present, and engaging young minds for making a positive difference in society.

Author(s):  
Sheryl M. Kennedy Haydel ◽  
Shearon D. Roberts

In the 2016 general elections, a Stanford University study found that American voters shared fake news stories at extraordinary high levels about the leading candidates, adding up to over 30 million times. While the primary researchers for this study noted that this number does not necessarily mean that fake news was persuasive, it suggests its accessibility, readability, and sharing was pervasive in the last election. This chapter looks at media and politics literacy for the millennial voter of color, who scholars describe as having low-levels of information, and media literacy. The irony is this is a group most in need of news and information for making informed decisions, as they are often first-time voters, now engaging with the political process. The classroom at an HBCU is part textbook and part bringing textbook to life, contextualizing the past and the present, and engaging young minds for making a positive difference in society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 689-707
Author(s):  
Tanya Notley ◽  
Michael Dezuanni

Social media use has redefined the production, experience and consumption of news media. These changes have made verifying and trusting news content more complicated and this has led to a number of recent flashpoints for claims and counter-claims of ‘fake news’ at critical moments during elections, natural disasters and acts of terrorism. Concerns regarding the actual and potential social impact of fake news led us to carry out the first nationally representative survey of young Australians’ news practices and experiences. Our analysis finds that while social media is one of young people’s preferred sources of news, they are not confident about spotting fake news online and many rarely or never check the source of news stories. Our findings raise important questions regarding the need for news media literacy education – both in schools and in the home. Therefore, we consider the historical development of news media literacy education and critique the relevance of dominant frameworks and pedagogies currently in use. We find that news media has become neglected in media literacy education in Australia over the past three decades, and we propose that current media literacy frameworks and pedagogies in use need to be rethought for the digital age.


Author(s):  
Liubov Prokopenko

The article examines the problem of growing politicization in some religious confessions, primarily Christianity, in the process of democratization that began in Zambia in the early 1990s. Zambia is one of the African countries whose religious leaders have played a prominent role in social life throughout their history. It is especially noted that the proclamation of Zambia a Christian nation in 1991 by President Frederick Chiluba contributed greatly to the strengthening of mutual influence between politics and religion. In modern Zambia religious organizations adhere generally to neutrality, the liberal part of all confessional groups seeing their task in solving primary social problems. In recent decades there have been no pronounced ethnic and religious contradictions in the country which could contribute to an emergence of open bloody conflicts threatening internal security and stability. The article shows that with Edgar Lungu’s (Patriotic Front, PF) coming to power in 2015, Zambia was proclaimed a Christian nation again, which was enshrined in the new edition of its Constitution. The campaigns for presidential elections in 2015 and for general elec-tions in 2016 have shown that “religion-politics” discourse has become relevant in the political process, regarding primarily multiple rela-tionships between religion, ethnicity and politics. The country is on the eve of new general elections due in August 2021. In a difficult economic situation, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemics, Zambian government and Church officials are calling on voters to ensure peaceful electoral process.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 422-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth W. Moffett ◽  
Laurie L. Rice

While college students traditionally exhibit low levels of political participation and interest in politics, they are more likely to engage in some forms of political expression than their elders. Their greater familiarity with online forms of political expression and engagement potentially lowers their barriers for political involvement. In turn, this potentially draws more young adults into the political process. The authors compare the precursors of expressive forms of online political engagement to those of talking to someone off-line and trying to persuade them to vote for or against a candidate or party among college students. They find that both activities are positively connected with politically oriented activity on social media as well as the frequency with which one reads blogs. They also discover that the mechanisms that explain online political expression are both similar to and different from those that explain off-line attempts at persuasion in several key ways.


Politics ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 207-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darren G. Lilleker

Conducting interviews can be a fundamentally important part of a research project that analyses the motivations and activity of those within the political process. However the logistics of interviewing are fraught with a number of serious obstacles and what information one can glean may not always serve the purpose that was originally intended. This article offers some observations gathered from conducting interviews with a wide range of political actors which is intended to help prepare all those considering interviewing for the first time.


Author(s):  
Stephen Wilson

This chapter explores the significance of antisemitism in political terms. Was the antisemitic movement regarded as a legitimate political organization? How far was it an electoral and parliamentary force? Antisemitism seems to have appeared as an electoral platform in metropolitan France for the first time in 1889. Although antisemitism seems to have maintained a political presence in the legislature through the 1890s, 1898 marks a mutation in its fortunes. Most significant was the success in the May General Elections of a substantial contingent of 22 declared antisemites. Despite this measure of support, however, and despite the fact that some antisemites made a reputation in the Chamber of Deputies, antisemitism was never a force of any great importance within the established political system, nor did it constitute a united and coherent party. The opposition to revision of the Dreyfus Case within the Chamber and within government, though it may have rested on an unconscious bedrock of anti-Jewish prejudice, was more obviously motivated by fear of upsetting political and legal order than by any deliberate antisemitism. The chapter then considers the antisemitic parliamentary group, providing a valuable insight into the way in which, in a crisis, antisemitism could find a place, albeit marginal, in the political spectrum in France.


2014 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 317-339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carimo Mohomed

In 1930, Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938) devised for the first time the creation of a separate state for the Indian Muslims, for whom, according to him, the main formative force through History had been Islam. Although predicated upon secular ideologies, the Pakistan movement was able to mobilize the masses only by appealing to Islam. Nationalism became dependent on Islam and, as a result, politicized the faith. A number of Muslim religious and communal organizations pointed to the importance of promoting Muslim nationalism, political consciousness and communal interests. As the creation of Pakistan became more and more likely, Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi (1903-1979) increased his attacks on the Muslim League, objecting to the idea of Muslim nationalism because it would exclude Islam from India. The increasingly communal character of the Indian politics of the time, and the appeal made to religious symbols in the formulation of new political alliances and programmes by various Muslim groups as well as Muslim League leaders, created a climate in which Mawdudi's theological discourse found understanding and relevance. This paper, using especially the political thought of Muhammad Iqbal and Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi, analyses how Islam was used to justify a separate state for the Indian Muslims, and the impacts on and challengesto the political process and its evolution, at the same time that it concludes that "Islam", as a political symbol, can have many forms according to the ideas previously held by those who use it.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 28-36
Author(s):  
Thomas Weigend

The article deals with the relevance of truth in criminal procedure and criminal law. In criminal procedure, it is important to maintain an honest search for the truth as a distinctive feature of the proceedings. One should therefore be sceptical of shortcuts to justice that rely exclusively on the defendant’s consent as the basis for the court’s judgement. Criminal law has wisely refrained from making lies punishable except in special contexts. Although the ease of spreading lies via the internet leads to extended risks, especially for the political process, criminal prohibition of spreading ‘fake news’ is not advisable, because these efforts tend to be overly broad and promote state censorship.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 289
Author(s):  
Aan Suryatwan

After the new order, general elections (Pemilu) were directly elected by the people in the reform era. Nevertheless, the phenomenon of political dynasties did not just disappear. A ruler with the hand of his power can still do much. Although he is not the one who directly elects public positions, maintaining his power can influence the political process, including local political contestation. In this study using descriptive qualitative through the study of literature with the aim that researchers can explore the potential of President Jokowi's political dynasty. The nomination of Gibran and Bobby presented criticisms of President Jokowi's image, political ethics, and leadership. Political officials born from political dynasties usually do not perform well. That can happen to Gibran and Bobby if elected to political contestation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Basuki Rahmat ◽  
Esther Esther

Act No. 10 of 2008 on general elections to mention that voters are those who are first time to vote and aged 17 years or older or are/have been married have the right to vote in elections (and election).Voters beginners who are just entering the age of suffrage also do not yet have broad political range, todetermine where they should vote. So, sometimes what they choose is not as expected.The reason this is causing voters are very prone to be influenced and approached the materialapproach to the political interests of parties politik. Ketidaktahuan in terms of practical politics,especially with the choices in elections or local elections, voters often do not make rational thought andmore thought­term interests short.New voters are often only used by political parties and politicians to serve political interests, forexample be used for fundraising period and the formation of the party underbow organization.


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