The inflectional system

2019 ◽  
pp. 15-82
Author(s):  
Geert Booij
Keyword(s):  
Word Formation ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
System P ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
Nominal Inflection ◽  
Syntactic Restrictions ◽  
Nominal Position ◽  
Weak Verbs ◽  
Strong Verbs

This chapter provides a survey of the inflection of nouns, adjectives, and verbs in Dutch. Productive nominal inflection is restricted to making plural forms of nouns. In addition, there are remnants of case marking that function as markers of specific constructions. Adjectives are only inflected in pre-nominal position, in which gender also plays a role. Verbs are inflected according to two systems: weak verbs by means of suffixation, strong verbs by means of stem change (mainly vowel alternations or Ablaut). Some tense forms are periphrastic in nature. This chapter introduces the distinction between inherent and contextual inflection, and shows that inherent inflection may feed word formation. Thus use of inflectional forms is subject to syntactic restrictions, and its use is also pragmatically determined.

The verbal system

2019 ◽  
pp. 176-231
Author(s):  
D. Gary Miller
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Past Participle ◽  
Verbal System ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Past ◽  
Change Of State ◽  
System P ◽  
Third Person ◽  
The Third Person ◽  
Weak Verbs

Verbs in Gothic are thematic, athematic, or preterite present. Several classes, including modals, are discussed. Strong verbs have seven classes, weak verbs four. Inflectional categories are first, second, and third person, singular, dual (except in the third person), and plural number. Tenses are nonpast and past/preterite. There are two inflected moods, indicative and optative, and two voices (active, passive). The passive is synthetic in the nonpast indicative and optative. The past system features two periphrastic passives, one stative-eventive with wisan (be), the other inchoative and change of state with wairþan (become). Middle functions are mostly represented by simple reflexive structures and -nan verbs. Nonfinite categories include one voice-underspecified infinitive, a nonpast and past participle, and a present active imperative. The third person imperative is normally expressed by an optative.

scholarly journals Hindi noun inflection and distributed morphology

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Smriti Singh ◽  
Vaijayanthi M. Sarma
Keyword(s):  
Word Formation ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Inflectional Morphology ◽  
Morphological Operations ◽  
Indian Languages ◽  
Word Generation ◽  
Noun Classes ◽  
Word Forms ◽  
Small Set ◽  
Nominal Inflection

This paper primarily presents an analysis of nominal inflection in Hindi within the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993, 1994 and Harley and Noyer 1999). Müller (2002, 2003, 2004) for German, Icelandic and Russian nouns respectively and Weisser (2006) for Croatian nouns have also used Distributed Morphology (henceforth DM) to analyze nominal inflectional morphology. This paper will discuss in detail the inflectional categories and inflectional classes, the morphological processes operating at syntax, the distribution of vocabulary items and the readjustment rules required to describe Hindi nominal inflection. Earlier studies on Hindi inflectional morphology (Guru 1920, Vajpeyi 1958, Upreti 1964, etc.) were greatly influenced by the Paninian tradition (classical Sanskrit model) and work with Paninian constructs such as root and stem. They only provide descriptive studies of Hindi nouns and verbs and their inflections without discussing the role or status of affixes that take part in inflection. The discussion on the mechanisms (morphological operations and rules) used to analyze or generate word forms are missing in these studies. In addition, these studies do not account for syntax-morphology or morphology-phonology mismatches that show up in word formation. One aim of this paper is to present an economical way of forming noun classes in Hindi as compared to other traditional methods, especially gender and stem ending based or paradigm based methods that give rise to a large number of inflectional paradigms. Using inflectional class information to analyse the various forms of Hindi nouns, we can reduce the number of affixes and word-generation and readjustment rules that are required to describe nominal inflection. The analysis also helps us in developing a morphological analyzer for Hindi. The small set of rules and fewer inflectional classes are of great help to lexicographers and system developers. To the best of our knowledge, the analysis of Hindi inflectional morphology based on DM and its implementation in a Hindi morphological analyzer has not been done before. The methods discussed here can be applied to other Indian languages for analysis as well as word generation.

The apophonic chain and the form of weak and strong verbs in Palestinian Arabic

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-121
Author(s):  
Noam Faust
Keyword(s):  
Interesting Case ◽  
Verbal System ◽  
Null Element ◽  
Apparent Shift ◽  
Palestinian Arabic ◽  
Classical Arabic ◽  
Inflectional Paradigms ◽  
Weak Verbs ◽  
Strong Verbs

AbstractThis paper explores the logic behind the various morpho-phonological subdivisions in the verbal system of Palestinian Arabic. It argues for the importance in the understanding of Palestinian Arabic of the apophonic chain proposed for Classical Arabic in Guerssel and Lowenstamm (1993). In Palestinian, it is first argued, the Measure 1 perfective template includes a hard-wired association of its two vocalic positions; the main differences in vocalization between the Palestinian and Classic varieties follow from this fact. The account is then extended to include three large subclasses of weak verbs. Following the analysis of Classical Arabic in Chekayri and Scheer (1996), it is argued that such verbs involve a null element ø, whose realization is determined by the apophonic chain. The second part of the paper provides an account of the entire inflectional paradigms of each of the verbs discussed, a task that was not fully undertaken in previous work. The mechanism of apophony is shown to be at work in this domain, too. An interesting case is discussed of an apparent shift in inflectional paradigm in some forms of the biradical verb. This shift is again shown to follow from the general mechanisms used in the analysis.

Adstrate Influence in Sri Lanka Malay: Definiteness, Animacy and Number in Accusative Case Marking

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Ian R. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Indigenous Languages ◽  
Linguistic Change ◽  
Accusative Case ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Indonesian Archipelago ◽  
Social Events ◽  
Nominal Inflection ◽  
Obscure Origin

Sri Lanka Malay is a creole-like language spoken by the descendents of soldiers, exiles and slaves brought to Sri Lanka by the Dutch from Java and their possessions in the Indonesian archipelago in the 17th and 18th centuries and by recruits brought by the British from the Malayan Peninsula and elsewhere in the 19th century. Various authors have noted the influence of indigenous languages on the structure of Sri Lanka Malay but disagreement has arisen over the source and mechanism. An examination of the interaction of definiteness, number, animacy and the accusative case in Sinhala, Tamil, and Sri Lanka Malay nominal inflection shows that Sri Lanka Malay aligns more closely here with Tamil than with Sinhala. The pattern of accusative case marking, in particular, can be attributed to Tamil influence. Moreover, the ubiquity of accusative case marking in Sri Lanka Malay together with its obscure origin and the absence of recent cataclysmic social events to trigger rapid linguistic change indicate that this alignment is of long standing, rather than a recent development.

scholarly journals A Comparison between Two Force-Position Controllers with Gravity Compensation Simulated on a Humanoid Arm

2013 ◽  
Vol 2013 ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni Gerardo Muscolo ◽  
Kenji Hashimoto ◽  
Atsuo Takanishi ◽  
Paolo Dario
Keyword(s):  
Closed Loop ◽  
Position Control ◽  
P System ◽  
Gravity Compensation ◽  
System P ◽  
Planar Representation ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
Control Optimisation ◽  
Pi System ◽  
And Control

The authors propose a comparison between two force-position controllers with gravity compensation simulated on the DEXTER bioinspired robotic arm. The two controllers are both constituted by an internal proportional-derivative (PD) closed-loop for the position control. The force control of the two systems is composed of an external proportional (P) closed-loop for one system (P system) and an external proportional-integrative (PI) closed-loop for the other system (PI system). The simulation tests performed with the two systems on a planar representation of the DEXTER, an eight-DOF bioinspired arm, showed that by varying the stiffness of the environment, with a correct setting of parameters, both systems ensure the achievement of the desired force regime and with great precision the desired position. The two controllers do not have large differences in performance when interacting with a lower stiffness environment. In case of an environment with greater rigidity, the PI system is more stable. The subsequent implementation of these control systems on the DEXTER robotic bioinspired arm gives guidance on the design and control optimisation of the arms of the humanoid robot named SABIAN.

scholarly journals Phonological and Morphological Functions of Palatalisation in Irish and Polish

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 99-134
Author(s):  
Eugeniusz Cyran ◽  
◽  
Bogdan Szymanek ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Word Formation ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
Front Vowel ◽  
Verbal Nouns ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Status ◽  
Historical Origin ◽  
Nominal Inflection ◽  
Phonemic Status

The paper attempts to compare the status of palatalization of consonants in Modern Irish and Polish within the phonological and morphological systems of the two languages. Irish and Polish have been selected from the Celtic and Slavic groups due to the fact that both have palatalized consonants. One function, which is connected with the palatalized / non-palatalized distinction is expressing lexical contrast, e.g. Irish cúis [ku:ʃ] ‘reason’ vs. ciumhais [kʲu:ʃ] ‘edge’ and Polish beli [beli] ‘roll, Gen.sg.’ vs. bieli [bʲeli] ‘whiteness, Gen.sg.’. Phonologically speaking, the term ‘palatalization’ is rather broad and ambiguous, as it subsumes two quite disparate linguistic situations. Namely, it may be understood as a dynamic phonetic or phonological process of fronting or softening a consonant in the context of the following front vowel [i/e] or glide [j]. In this sense, palatalization is allophonic, that is, a context dependent assimilatory process, as may be the case with Irish bith [bʲi] ‘existence’, or Polish bił [bʲiw] ‘he beat’. On the other hand, both Irish and Polish seem to show that palatalization of consonants may also be independent of the context, in which case we are not dealing with a process, but with a genuine lexical property of given consonants, that is, a phonemic distinction. This point can be illustrated by such forms as Irish beo [bʲo:] ‘alive’ and Polish biodro [bʲodro] ‘hip’. Here the palatalized consonant is followed by a back vowel and could not have been derived by assimilation. Another argument for the phonemic status of palatalization in the two languages comes from the forms in which the presence of a front vowel does not guarantee that a consonant will be palatalized, e.g. Irish tuí [ti:] ‘straw’ (cf. tí [tʲi:] ‘house, Gen.sg.’) and Polish beli [beli] ‘roll, Gen.sg.’. It may appear that the phonological similarities between Irish and Polish palatalization are considerable. However, the appealing picture becomes more complicated when the two systems are looked at in detail. Once present in the phonological representation of words, the property of palatalization in Irish behaves quite disparately from what is observed in Polish. In Irish, palatalization behaves as an independent property (autosegment) and has a tendency to spread leftwards, affecting the preceding short vowels, e.g. sop / soip [sop / sipʲ] ‘wisp / Gen.sg’, consonants and vowels, e.g. olc / oilc [olk / ilʲkʲ] ‘evil / Gen.sg.’, or even entire syllables, e.g. dorn / doirn [dorən / dirʲinʲ] ‘fist / Gen.sg.’. Thus, palatalization as an assimilatory process is not entirely inactive. On the other hand, in Polish, there is some vestigial consonant-vowel interaction, practically limited to velar consonants, as well as some cluster assimilation. The paper aims to define the conditions on the phonological scope of palatalization in Irish and Polish from the point of view of the historical origin of the phenomenon, distributional restrictions, and participation in processes. Both languages successfully utilize the palatalized / non-palatalized distinction also in the respective morphological systems. This general similarity has a historical origin in the loss of final syllables. The paper surveys various lexical derivations and inflectional paradigms involving palatalization in Irish and Polish. From the formal point of view, there seem to be two main ways in which the palatalized / non-palatalized distinction is utilized morphologically, each of which has two subcategories: 1. Palatalization a. as a sole formative: C > Cʲ, e.g. Irish bád / báid [bɑ:d / bɑ:dʲ] ‘boat, Nom.sg. / Nom.pl.’, and Polish ryb-a / rybi-a [rɨba / rybʲa] ‘fish, Nom.sg. / adj.Nom.sg.fem.’. b. as a co-formative: C > Cʲ+vowel, e.g. Irish deas / deise [dʲas / dʲeʃə] ‘nice / Gen.sg.’, and Polish student / studenc-i [student / studeɲtɕi] ‘student, Nom.sg. / Nom.pl.’. 2. De-palatalization a. as a sole formative: Cʲ > C, e.g. Irish athair / athar [ahir / ahər] ‘father, Nom.sg. / Gen.sg.’. b. as a co-formative: e.g. Polish liść / list-ek [liɕtɕ / listek] ‘leaf / dim.’ From the functional viewpoint, these effects are seen, in Polish, in some paradigms of nominal inflection, the derivation of abstract nouns from adjectives and of possessive denominal adjectives, as well as in large areas of expressive word-formation, etc. In Irish, the morphological impact of palatalization is best observed in the nominal inflection, but it also present in verbal inflection and some derivations, e.g. Verbal Nouns. Further cross-linguistic comparison and typological research is called for in order to fully appreciate the status of palatalization as a link between phonology and morphology. This paper attempts to lay the foundations for such research.

Old English deadjectival paradigms

2015 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carmen Novo Urraca
Keyword(s):  
Old English ◽  
Word Formation ◽  
Relative Importance ◽  
Lexical Categories ◽  
Theoretical Side ◽  
Strong Verbs

This article focuses on Old English derivational paradigms with adjectival bases and assesses their productivity and degree of recursivity. On the theoretical side, the article puts forward the concept of paradigmatic productivity in order to gauge the relative importance of lexical categories as bases of word-formation. On the descriptive side, the analysis identifies the basic adjectives of Old English, gathers their derivatives, assigns a base of derivation to each deadjectival lemma and lists the instances of recursive word-formation. The main conclusions of the research are that the derivational paradigms of adjectives are not as productive as the ones based on strong verbs and that recursive formations result from affixation far more often than from compounding and zero derivation.

Solution to the P − W problem

1982 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 869-887 ◽  
Author(s):  
E.P. Martin ◽  
R.K. Meyer
Keyword(s):  
Positive Solution ◽  
Axiom Scheme ◽  
System P ◽  
Two Systems

Anderson and Belnap asked in §8.11 of their treatise Entailment [1] whether a certain pure implicational calculus, which we will call P − W, is minimal in the sense that no two distinct formulas coentail each other in this calculus. We provide a positive solution to this question, variously known as The P − W problem, or Belnap's conjecture.We will be concerned with two systems of pure implication, formulated in a language constructed in the usual way from a set of propositional variables, with a single binary connective →. We use A, B,…, A1, B1, …, as variables ranging over formulas. Formulas are written using the bracketing conventions of Church [3].The first system, which we call S (in honour of its evident incorporation of syllogistic principles of reasoning), has as axioms all instances of (B) B → C →. A → B →. A → C (prefixing),(B) A → B →. B → C →. A → C (suffixing), and rules (BX) from B → C infer A → B →. A → C (rule prefixing),(B’X) from A → B infer B → C →. A → C (rule suffixing),(BXY) from A → B and B → C infer A → C (rule transitivity).The second system, P − W, has in addition to the axioms and rules of S the axiom scheme (I) A → A of identity.We write ⊢SA (⊣SA) to mean that A is (resp. is not) a theorem of S, and similarly for P − W.

Regular/irregular is not the whole story: the role of frequency and generalization in the acquisition of German past participle inflection

2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 731-762 ◽  
Author(s):  
GISELA SZAGUN
Keyword(s):  
Spontaneous Speech ◽  
Past Participle ◽  
Error Patterns ◽  
Verb Inflection ◽  
Child Speech ◽  
Vowel Change ◽  
Error Types ◽  
Weak Verbs ◽  
Strong Verbs

ABSTRACTThe acquisition of German participle inflection was investigated using spontaneous speech samples from six children between 1 ; 4 and 3 ; 8 and ten children between 1 ; 4 and 2 ; 10 recorded longitudinally at regular intervals. Child-directed speech was also analyzed. In adult and child speech weak participles were significantly more frequent than strong participles. Children's errors involved all elements of participle marking. All error types, including over-regularization, occurred from the beginning alongside correct forms. Errors decreased significantly over age. Over-regularization in the sense of -t affixation on strong verbs was significantly more frequent than erroneous -en suffixation on weak verbs but not than prefix and suffix omission. On participles with stem vowel change erroneous stem vowel was significantly more frequent than correct stem vowel with suffix error alone. Error patterns are explained in terms of frequencies, and participle inflection being learned as part of general verb inflection.

Aspects of word formation processes in Luro

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-33
Author(s):  
Anvita Abbi ◽  
Vysakh R
Keyword(s):  
Bay Of Bengal ◽  
Formation Process ◽  
Number System ◽  
Word Formation ◽  
Critically Endangered ◽  
Formation Processes ◽  
Verb Morphology ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Endangered Language ◽  
Kinship Terminology

Abstract Luro, an Austroasiatic language of the Mon-Khmer group is spoken in the Teressa island of the Andaman and Nicobar group of islands in the Bay of Bengal, India. Luro is a critically endangered language spoken by less than 2,000 speakers (Directorate of Census Operations 2011). The morphology of Luro is virtually undescribed in detail so far. The previous works are restricted to deRoepstorff (1875), Cruz (2005), Man (1889) and Rajasingh (2019) which are limited to wordlists and a partial dictionary. This is the first-ever account of word formation process in the language. Word formation processes include among others, compounding and derivation across grammatical categories. Incorporation is used in verb morphology. Although language does not have an extensive case marking system postpositions appear on some nouns optionally. Nouns are marked for duality and plurality but not for gender. Negation is indexed with pronoun morphology and participates in formation of antonyms. Kinship terminology and Number System have also been dealt with to represent diverse word formation processes.1

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