Political power and Measure for Measure

2020 ◽  
pp. 40-62
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Frazer
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Sexual Coercion ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Public Speech ◽  
Market Rationality ◽  
Measure For Measure

This chapter analyses Shakespeare’s consideration of the pulls of seclusion, and of concealment, against the demands of public government and open contestation of the power to rule. Measure for Measure dramatizes the abuse and corruption of authoritarian governing power, in particular in the form of male sexual coercion and exploitation of females. The plot focuses on a ruler’s use of secrecy and surveillance in order to monitor their attempts to counter overly lax law enforcement with authoritarianism. It also puts questions of market rationality, and the imperatives that govern poor people’s attempts to earn livings in constrained urban circumstances in relation to questions of political order, and into relation with the imperatives of theological truth and spiritual virtue. The claims and imperatives of frank public speech, as a method of revealing corruption and pursuing justice, are brought into relationship with the political strategy of trickery.

scholarly journals Ethnicité, Nourriture et Politique L’exemple des Yasa de la Côte Sud Du Cameroun

Afrika Focus ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 105-124
Author(s):  
Flavien Tiokou Ndonko
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Self Presentation ◽  
Administrative Structures

Ethnicity, Food, and Politics: The Example of the Yasa in the Cameroonian South Province In Cameroon, ethnicity is present in food as well as in anthroponymy. Neighbouring populations use it to auto-identify themselves and to indicate their spatial settlement. The ‘leaves’eaters’, the ‘crabs’eaters’ and the ‘“fruits de l’arbre à pain”-eaters’ live together in peace on the Coast of the country by assuming their ethnicity. They even take over new political and administrative structures as guide mark in self presentation. Even the political power who officially tries to 'erase' ethnicity is not able to compose without it. Ethnicity has become a political strategy and is being mobilized or demobilized to balance or control the power.

Political Mechanisms of the Integration of Russian Nationalism into Crimea’s Political Area

2017 ◽  
pp. 353-368
Author(s):  
Nataliia Rotar
Keyword(s):  
Social Space ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Process ◽  
National Minority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Crimean Peninsula ◽  
The Crimea ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Social Organism

In the article the author defined the peculiar properties and structure of the political mechanisms for the integration of Russian nationalism into Crimea’s Political Area in 1991-2014. It is proved that Russian nationalism formed a political strategy of integration into the political space of the Ukrainian autonomy on the principles of creating a manageable set of actors and subjects of the regional political process and civil space, as well as the incorporation of its agents of influence into the institutions of political power of the ARC. It is substantiated that the essence of the political component of the strategy of the activities of Russian imperial nationalism in the Crimea consisted in the creation on the basis of the Russian national minority (by status) of an independent ethno-social organism with a claim to its own state-territorial formation. In the conclusions, the author notes that structurally, the process of using the political mechanisms for the integration of Russian nationalism in the ARC is presented in three consecutive stages. At the first stage, the political goals of Russian nationalism in the Crimea were identified, which were of an imperial nature, and therefore included the definition of key directions and a system of organizational measures that were oriented toward the political, economic, ethno-national, sociocultural and information spheres of life in the Crimean peninsula. At the second stage, the political institutes of the Russian Federation developed a system of advanced initiatives aimed at weakening the influence of the institutions of Ukraine's political power on the territory of the autonomy and a set of tactical methods that enabled them to react quickly to the actual challenges of pro-Ukrainian initiatives. At the third stage, a system of effective mechanisms of lobbying, institutional interaction, forms, methods and methods of reproducing the meanings of Russian imperial nationalism in the ARC at the level of all levels of the given social space – political, ethnonational, socio-cultural and economic – was formed. Keywords: Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Russia, Russian nationalism, political integration, integration mechanisms, political meanings

Fiscal and Monetary Systems in the Mahdist Sudan, 1881–1898

1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-385
Author(s):  
Yitzhak Nakash
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Resource Control ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Monetary Systems ◽  
Power Base

This article focuses on two major aspects of the Mahdist political economy, i.e., its fiscal and monetary systems. It attempts to integrate an analysis of their structure with that of the political behavior of the Mahdist rulers in order to show how the Mahdist rulers' political power and personal aspirations affected the development of both systems. In doing so, the article will be primarily concerned with the struggle of the successors of the Mahdi for resource control; it will examine the efforts of the ruling group to control and manipulate the fiscal and monetary systems in order to turn these—and indeed the economy as a whole—into a power base so as to preserve the established political order.

Political Power and Othello

2020 ◽  
pp. 17-39
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Frazer
Keyword(s):  
Social Factors ◽  
Intimate Relationships ◽  
Political Power ◽  
State Power ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Speech ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Moral Claims

This chapter sets out and considers political readings of Othello, which is more commonly interpreted in an ethical or psychological frame. The plot puts sovereign state power into contradistinction and competition with patriarchal authority, with social antagonisms and oppressions, notably racism, with the political and moral claims of open frank speech, and with the ‘machiavellian’ strategies of hypocrisy, trickery, and ruthlessness. Shakespeare’s dramatizations of these powers and structures both emphasizes how ethical inter-personal and intimate relationships are shaped by political and social factors and forces, and also brings into question the claims of sovereignty and patriarchy vis-à-vis the forces of social antagonism. The claims of frank public speech in relation to political power are ambiguous: free public speech is a necessary condition of political life properly speaking, but is always risky and often compromised.

ILLUSTRATION OF PARTY UNITY IN THE MAGAZINE "CROCODILE" IN THE CONTEXT OF THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER IN THE MID-20S

2020 ◽  
pp. 135-145
Author(s):  
Andrey L. Yurganov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Front Page ◽  
General Construction ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
The Real ◽  
Mass Circulation

The article analyzes the communicative connection between the internal political struggle in VKP(b) and the satirical magazine “Crocodile” (a supplement to “Rabochaya Gazeta”), which was published in mass circulation. Usually the Crocodile illustrations did not depict the real motives of the political struggle; their task was to show the rejection of any party opposition as such. But in the December 1925 issue of “The Crocodile” (No. 47), the front page of the magazine suddenly displays an image in which all the party leaders are busy with general construction, and no matter how much you look at the picture – you will not find the main leader in it. Such was a political order. The article analyzes the reasons for the possibility of an appearance of an obviously ideological drawing in a satirical journal – with an attempt, approved at the very top of the political power – to portray exactly the “unity of the party”, and not a split that was about to happen ahead of the XIV Congress of the party, about which many Bolsheviks were speaking openly.

scholarly journals Ethnicity, Food, and Politics: the Example of the Yasa in the Cameroonian South Province

Afrika Focus ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Flavien Tiokou Ndonko
Keyword(s):  
Key Words ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Food Politics ◽  
Self Presentation ◽  
Administrative Structures

In Cameroon, ethnicity is present in food as well as in anthroponymy. Neighbou- ring populations use it to auto-identify themselves and to indicate their spatial settlement. The 'leaves'eaters', the 'crabs'eaters' and the '"fruits de l'arbre à pain"-eaters' live together in peace on the Coast of the country by assuming their ethnicity. They even take over new political and administrative structures as guide mark in self presentation. Even the political power who officially tries to 'erase' ethnicity is not able to compose without it. Ethnicity has become a political strategy and is being mobilized or demobilized to balance or control the power. KEY WORDS: Ethnicity, food, politics, space, stereotype 

Risk, Desire and Adaptation: The Paradox of Queer Solidarity and the Political Possibility of Death Under Neoliberalism and Homonationalism

Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sexual Rights ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Rights Discourse ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Strategy I

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.

G. Lukács, “Techeniye” and Stalinism

2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (7) ◽  
pp. 110-123
Author(s):  
Vladimir Y. Bystrov ◽  
Vladimir M. Kamnev
Keyword(s):  
Literary Criticism ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Criticism ◽  
Political Views ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
Over Time

The article discusses the attitude of Georg Lukács and his adherents who formed a circle “Techeniye” (lit. “current”) toward the phenomenon of Stalinism. Despite the political nature of the topic, the authors are aspired to provide an unbiased research. G. Lukács’ views on the theory and practice of Stalinism evolved over time. In the 1920s Lukács welcomes the idea of creation of socialism in one country and abandons the former revolutionary ideas expressed in his book History and Class Consciousness. This turn is grounded by new interpretation of Hegel as “realistic” thinker whose “realism” was shown in the aspiration to find “reconciliation” with reality (of the Prussian state) and in denial of any utopias. The philosophical evolution leading to “realism” assumes integration of revolutionaries into the hierarchy of existing society. The article “Hölderlin’s Hyperion” represents attempt to justify Stalinism as a necessary and “progressive” phase of revolutionary development of the proletariat. Nevertheless, events of the second half of the 1930s (mass repressions, the peace treaty with Nazi Germany) force Lukács to realize the catastrophic nature of political strategy of Stalinism. In his works, Lukács ceases to analyze political topics and concentrates on problems of aesthetics and literary criticism. However, his aesthetic position allows to reconstruct the changed political views and to understand why he had earned the reputation of the “internal opponent” to Stalinism. After 1956, Lukács turns to political criticism of Stalinism, which nevertheless remains unilateral. He sees in Stalinism a kind of the left sectarianism, the theory and practice of the implementation of civil war measures in the era of peaceful co-existence of two systems.

Elites and Color Revolutions: The Logic of Russia’s Response

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 426-453
Author(s):  
Kirill Petrov
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Good Reason ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Major Threat ◽  
External Threats ◽  
Color Revolutions ◽  
Political Warfare ◽  
Russian Politics

Abstract The phenomenon of color revolutions has occupied a prominent place in Russian politics for a good reason. The major threat of color revolutions as modern political warfare designed by Western countries deeply affected the political process in Russia since 2005. It may have appeared that the imperative of resisting them was the result of a non-democratic regime reacting to neighboring countries’ uprisings. Some portrayed it as authoritarian learning. This paper suggests that the counteractions stemmed from the interests of disunited Russian elite groups who were seeking opportunities to reinforce their dominance and capitalize on the idea of significant external threats. The phenomenon reshaped the balance within elite groups and led to the consolidation of law enforcement networks on the eve of Putin’s third term. Further, the prevailing perception of color revolutions discouraged any elite splits that could lead to proto-democratic rules.

The Gallic Singularity and the Royal Mistress

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-66
Author(s):  
Christine Adams
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Marie Antoinette ◽  
Louis Xvi ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Realm

The relationship of the French king and royal mistress, complementary but unequal, embodied the Gallic singularity; the royal mistress exercised a civilizing manner and the soft power of women on the king’s behalf. However, both her contemporaries and nineteenth- and early twentieth-century historians were uncomfortable with the mistress’s political power. Furthermore, paradoxical attitudes about French womanhood have led to analyses of her role that are often contradictory. Royal mistresses have simultaneously been celebrated for their civilizing effect in the realm of culture, chided for their frivolous expenditures on clothing and jewelry, and excoriated for their dangerous meddling in politics. Their increasing visibility in the political realm by the eighteenth century led many to blame Louis XV’s mistresses—along with Queen Marie-Antoinette, who exercised a similar influence over her husband, Louis XVI—for the degradation and eventual fall of the monarchy. This article reexamines the historiography of the royal mistress.

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