ILLUSTRATION OF PARTY UNITY IN THE MAGAZINE "CROCODILE" IN THE CONTEXT OF THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER IN THE MID-20S

Author(s):  
Andrey L. Yurganov ◽  

The article analyzes the communicative connection between the internal political struggle in VKP(b) and the satirical magazine “Crocodile” (a supplement to “Rabochaya Gazeta”), which was published in mass circulation. Usually the Crocodile illustrations did not depict the real motives of the political struggle; their task was to show the rejection of any party opposition as such. But in the December 1925 issue of “The Crocodile” (No. 47), the front page of the magazine suddenly displays an image in which all the party leaders are busy with general construction, and no matter how much you look at the picture – you will not find the main leader in it. Such was a political order. The article analyzes the reasons for the possibility of an appearance of an obviously ideological drawing in a satirical journal – with an attempt, approved at the very top of the political power – to portray exactly the “unity of the party”, and not a split that was about to happen ahead of the XIV Congress of the party, about which many Bolsheviks were speaking openly.

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 237-251
Author(s):  
Łukasz Pigoński

The article examines Priscus’s account of the conflict that emerged between the leader of the Roman embassy, Maximinus, and the Hunnic envoy, Berichus. The barbarian got offended by the remarks concerning the lack of competence and influence of Aspar and Areobindus. A detailed analysis of this short passage – entailing the persona of Berichus himself, the reasons for his anger, and the possible explanations for Maximinus’s behaviour – can provide us with evidence regarding the political position of Aspar in the last years of the reign of Theodosius II. Most scholars use this example to illustrate Aspar’s falling out of favour and power; it is more likely, however, that the situation was actually more complex. The political struggle between Chrysaphius, a proponent of the policy of reconciliation with the Huns, and Zeno, the opponent of such policies, makes it far more probable that the government feared that their diplomatic effort might be hijacked by the opposing faction. Therefore, it was political differences – and not the failures in the war of 447 – that were the reason for Aspar’s falling out with the emperor. This would also mean that Zeno and Aspar shared similar views on how to solve the Hunnic problem, which would be the basis for their cooperation, resulting in the overthrowing of Chrysaphius and the crowning of Marcian in 450.


2008 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-22
Author(s):  
Carlos Eduardo Pérez Crespo

Peru has a long history of democracy’s breakdowns where the construction of political discourse has been very important to legitimize authoritarian measures. Therefore, this article analyzes Alberto Fujimori’s discourse in the last Peruvian coup d’état in 1992. Owing to the fact that authoritarian discourse could become legitimate once again in a future political or economic crisis in Peru, this research concludes that the Peruvian government should consider the real importance of the issue of political order in contemporary politics.


1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-385
Author(s):  
Yitzhak Nakash

This article focuses on two major aspects of the Mahdist political economy, i.e., its fiscal and monetary systems. It attempts to integrate an analysis of their structure with that of the political behavior of the Mahdist rulers in order to show how the Mahdist rulers' political power and personal aspirations affected the development of both systems. In doing so, the article will be primarily concerned with the struggle of the successors of the Mahdi for resource control; it will examine the efforts of the ruling group to control and manipulate the fiscal and monetary systems in order to turn these—and indeed the economy as a whole—into a power base so as to preserve the established political order.


Author(s):  
Emel Çokoğullar ◽  
B. Mehmet Bozaslan

In 1923 with the proclamation of the Republic began a new era. One of the main issues of this period has been to provide the legitimacy of the new regime. Corresponds to the specified purpose education has tried to take advantage of the functional direction. The secular nature of the winning educational institutions, described the principles of the new regime and the real salvation were stated to be realized by obedience to political power and these principles.  In this way, both have tried to create a Turkish nation and commitment to the political power of the shaped by a "manners" the emphasis is prominent.Keywords: Education, Early Republican Period, National Education, The New Regime.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Frazer

This chapter analyses Shakespeare’s consideration of the pulls of seclusion, and of concealment, against the demands of public government and open contestation of the power to rule. Measure for Measure dramatizes the abuse and corruption of authoritarian governing power, in particular in the form of male sexual coercion and exploitation of females. The plot focuses on a ruler’s use of secrecy and surveillance in order to monitor their attempts to counter overly lax law enforcement with authoritarianism. It also puts questions of market rationality, and the imperatives that govern poor people’s attempts to earn livings in constrained urban circumstances in relation to questions of political order, and into relation with the imperatives of theological truth and spiritual virtue. The claims and imperatives of frank public speech, as a method of revealing corruption and pursuing justice, are brought into relationship with the political strategy of trickery.


Author(s):  
Bernard Flynn

In the modern period, power can be exercised only insofar as it is represented. This chapter develops this argument by a reading of Claude Lefort's interpretation of Machiavelli’s account of the metamorphosis by which natural force is transformed into political power: its being no longer located in the body(s) of the prince but rather in a symbolic register that is not reducible to real social processes. Michel Foucault has refused this "symbolic turn" and attached himself to an older tradition that equates desymbolization with secularization. Foucault pursues his analysis in accord with a tradition of "realism” that would unmask the representations of power, both juridical and symbolic, as occulting the true operation of power on the level of the real. His analysis maps grids of power and the resistances that they engender. He views power as being exercised directly on the body, without need of representation. His radical antinomianism has led him to very questionable judgments in concrete historical situations. This chapter argues that Foucault' de-symbolization has, as is the case with Marx, issued in a denegation of the political as such, a move that one would be ill advised to follow.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-210
Author(s):  
Jiao Kun

Abstract As an influential scholar, the Ming 明 Neo-Confucian master Wang Yangming 王陽明 (1472–1529) was also active in the political world. While showing philosophical ingenuity, Wang launched an ideological movement which reached beyond Neo-Confucian discourse and into the social and political spheres. By promoting his xinxue 心學 teachings, Wang aimed to change Ming political life through fostering a moral retrenchment among future officials. To achieve his goals, Wang Yangming implemented several strategies, such as turning to humble local literati for a following, teaching them as a sitting official, and supporting nonofficial academies with his political power. These strategies succeeded to some extent, in part because the Ming court had relaxed the ideological intolerance of the early Ming. The real-world background of Wang Yangming's success can be further explored by comparing Wang with his two predecessors, Xue Xuan 薛瑄 (1389–1464) and Wu Yubi 吳與弼 (1391–1469).


1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque

After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-66
Author(s):  
Christine Adams

The relationship of the French king and royal mistress, complementary but unequal, embodied the Gallic singularity; the royal mistress exercised a civilizing manner and the soft power of women on the king’s behalf. However, both her contemporaries and nineteenth- and early twentieth-century historians were uncomfortable with the mistress’s political power. Furthermore, paradoxical attitudes about French womanhood have led to analyses of her role that are often contradictory. Royal mistresses have simultaneously been celebrated for their civilizing effect in the realm of culture, chided for their frivolous expenditures on clothing and jewelry, and excoriated for their dangerous meddling in politics. Their increasing visibility in the political realm by the eighteenth century led many to blame Louis XV’s mistresses—along with Queen Marie-Antoinette, who exercised a similar influence over her husband, Louis XVI—for the degradation and eventual fall of the monarchy. This article reexamines the historiography of the royal mistress.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document