The Genesis of Opération Pilote

2020 ◽  
pp. 339-369
Author(s):  
Neil Macmaster

In January 1957 the military and colonial government accepted a master plan drawn up by the anthropologist Jean Servier to undertake Opération Pilote in the Chelif region, the biggest counterinsurgency (COIN) experiment of the Algerian War. The arrival of Salan and Indochina specialists in command accelerated the adoption of the doctrine of revolutionary warfare, that victory over the FLN could not be achieved by conventional ‘big’ force operations, but only through winning over the indigenous population. The catastrophic failure of counterinsurgency in Kabylia in late 1956 diverted attention to the Chelif where a dispersed population was seen as advantageous to COIN operations. Servier’s plan was linked to the revival of Lucien Paye’s communal reform of 1945 to 1948, seen as the key reform to retain Algérie française. By late 1956 the colonial government and military had rapidly lost control of the Dahra and Ouarsenis mountains, a collapse signalled by the evacuation of isolated colons, and the aim was to ‘reconquer’ the interior through driving the ALN and its OPA structures from each douar, and replacing it by ‘djemâa amie’ that could form the core of future rural municipalities in which peasants could take on board their own local government and auto-defense. Unable to guarantee open elections Opération Pilote aimed to secretly train future douar leaders in the psychological warfare centre at Arzew.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (12) ◽  
pp. 2363-2380
Author(s):  
S.B. Zainullin ◽  
O.A. Zainullina

Subject. The military-industrial complex is one of the core industries in any economy. It ensures both the economic and global security of the State. However, the economic security of MIC enterprises strongly depends on the State and other stakeholders. Objectives. We examine key factors of corporate culture in terms of theoretical and practical aspects. The article identifies the best implementation of corporate culture that has a positive effect on the corporate security in the MIC of the USA, the United Kingdom, the European Union, Japan ans China. Methods. The study employs dialectical method of research, combines the historical and logic unity, structural analysis, traditional techniques of economic analysis and synthesis. Results. We performed the comparative analysis of corporate culture models and examined how they are used by the MIC corporations with respect to international distinctions. Conclusions and Relevance. The State is the main stakeholder of the MIC corporations, since it acts as the core customer represented by the military department. It regulates and controls operations. The State is often a major shareholder of such corporations. Employees are also important stakeholders. Hence, trying to satisfy stakeholders' needs by developing the corporate culture, corporations mitigate their key risks and enhance their corporate security.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Devi Dhian Cahyati

AbstractThis paper describes the formation of defence area that often triggers agrarian questions at local level. The determination of defence area frequently aroused conflicts with local community having evidence of land ownership and cultivating the land for productive purposes. Ironically, military power, as an instrument for national defence claimed those land and use it for economic interests. This research uses qualitative method. Data collection was conducted by literature study, in-depth interviews and observation. This paper concludes that military defence was used as a tool to secure economic interests of the Colonial Government in colonial era. Furthermore, Indonesian military following this pattern in post-reform era. This means that there is a dislocation of authority when the Military uses public assets for their private interests.    Intisari Tulisan ini menjelaskan mengenai pembentukan wilayah pertahanan yang sering kali memicu persoalan agraria di ranah lokal. Penentuan wilayah pertahanan sering kali memunculkan persoalan dengan masyarakat lokal yang memiliki bukti kepemilikan tanah dan menggunakan tanah tersebut untuk kegiatan produktif. Militer sebagai alat pertahanan negara secara ironis melakukan klaim tanah dan memanfaatkan tanah untuk kepentingan ekonomi mereka. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan metode pengumpulan data melaluistudi pustaka, wawancara mendalam dan observasi. Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa pertahanan menjadi alat untuk mengamankan kepentingan ekonomi pemerintah kolonial dan diikuti oleh militer Indonesia pasca reformasi. Artinya terjadi dislokasi wewenang ketika militer menggunakan aset publik untuk kepentingan privat. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (S1-i2-Dec) ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
K Premanand ◽  
M Kasirajan

The growth of technology has given the viability to media, which has emerged as ‘the third eye for humans to comprehend the world. The people are too dependent onthese technologies, where they have forgotten their real nature of life. Because of global surveillance, technology has become a double-edged sword, where individual privacy is been lost. Moreover, people have exchanged their precious gift of freedom for the technology, which has become the manacle that restrains them to the core these days. The media is used as a tool to manipulate the thought process of the people in this digital era. The politicians are using these strings to make the people as the puppets, they induce the thought within people and restrict them from thinking beyond. This paper attempts to study the effects of Global surveillance and Media manipulation through George Orwell’s 1984.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 267-281
Author(s):  
Aamer Taj ◽  
Keith Baker

Local government reform in Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province between 2001 and 2009 is examined through the lens of multi-level governance. The reforms were initiated by the military-led government of Pervez Musharraf and entrenched the power of the federal government. The reforms of 2001–09 were similar to the reforms implemented by the governments of Ayub Khan in the 1960s and Zia-ul-Haque in 1979. The article argues that three different military governments pursued similar programmes of constitutional reform to secure themselves in power. We conclude that devolution may not always enhance democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 247-259
Author(s):  
Lech Jańczuk

There are “urban-rural municipalities” in Polish administration nomenclature. They are territorial units where urban and rural areas have one name and one local government. There are also urban and rural municipalities that have one name but different local governments. That neighborhood of municipalities in Polish may be described as “municipalities bagel”. The aim of this article was to investigate whether and to what extent the “municipalities bagel” cooperate (coordinate) the exercising public tasks on the economic level. The article attempts to verify the research hypothesis: in “municipalities bagel” there is a lack of coordination of the exercising public tasks”. The research method was a diagnostic survey in which the questionnaire was conducted. In December 2019, questionnaire forms were sent to all “municipalities bagel” in Poland. The results of the research indicated a lack of coordination in the performance of public tasks between “municipalities bagel”. The result is a reduction of the efficiency of performance of public duties in such municipalities. The “municipalities bagel” are functionally related areas. This link is characterized by the subordination of the interests of the rural municipality (especially economic). The development of bagel rural communes is determined by the development and cooperation with their urban counterparts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-110
Author(s):  
Marta Balcerek-Kosiarz ◽  

The aim of the article is to indicate a new direction of research on the evolution of system models of local self-government in Germany in the perspective of communalization and de-communalization. Communalization can be used to explain legal regulations of a local government, which are similar to the South German model and, on the other hand, to explain how analogous regulations that strengthen the role of the legislative body, both in the municipal self-government and in the county self-government, function in the same federal states. De-communalization enables to investigate the role of starosta (Starost) in the organizational structure of county self-government. The core result of the study is the fact that on the basis of the three research criteria (geographic, historic, and the range of relations between legislative and executive bodies) the process of communalization of municipal self-governments and county self-governments in 11 federal states has been duly corroborated.


2020 ◽  
pp. 253-270
Author(s):  
Neil Macmaster

The chapter examines how the Communist Party, following the decision of June 1955 to organize the paramilitary Combattants de la libération (CDL), established a short-lived guerrilla, the so-called ‘Red Maquis’, in the Chelif region. The clandestine structure had begun to take root as a consequence of the massive earthquake of September 1954, centred on Orleansville, that exposed the long-term failure of the colonial state to develop the rural economy. The communists rapidly created the Fédération des sinistrés that established a network of peasant cells that soon became the base of the Red Maquis. While the communists were successful in creating a guerrilla base centred on Medjadja, the main group inserted by Laban and Maillot in the Beni Boudouane was rapidly located and destroyed by the army, assisted by the bachaga Boualam. The catastrophic failure of the Red Maquis highlighted the failure of the Algiers-based central committee to prepare the ground for a guerrilla movement. However, several key participants escaped the military encirclement and were soon absorbed into the FLN on the dissolution of the CDL in July 1956.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 212-226
Author(s):  
Angela Santamaría

The Colombian postconflict period requires titanic efforts on the part of the local government of the Arhuaco of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, caught between their own ancestral battles and the demands of central government institutions that may not even reach this region to administer justice and reintegration for territorial peace building. The reintegration of Arhuaco ex-combatants into their home communities has posed one of the greatest challenges. The interaction between Arhuaco justice and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace adopted in March 2017 is crucial for their effective reincorporation. Examination of the experiences of a group of Arhuaco authorities that has succeeded in building peace in a territory plagued by paramilitary and guerrilla violence, the military action of the Colombian government, and the entry of mega-projects into the region reveals the obstacles and the individual and collective development opportunities that have shaped those experiences. El período posconflicto colombiano requiere esfuerzos titánicos por parte del gobierno local del Arhuaco de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, atrapado entre sus propias batallas ancestrales y las demandas de las instituciones del gobierno central que quizás ni siquiera lleguen a esta región para administrar justicia y reintegración para la construcción de la paz territorial. La reintegración de los excombatientes de Arhuaco en sus comunidades de origen ha planteado uno de los mayores desafíos. La interacción entre la justicia de Arhuaco y la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz adoptada en marzo de 2017 es crucial para su reincorporación efectiva. El examen de las experiencias de un grupo de autoridades de Arhuaco que ha logrado construir la paz en un territorio plagado de violencia paramilitar y guerrillera, la acción militar del gobierno colombiano y la entrada de megaproyectos en la región revela los obstáculos y las oportunidades individuales y colectivos de desarrollo que han dado forma a esas experiencias.


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