Radical right supporters in the social space

2020 ◽  
pp. 101-117
Author(s):  
Koen Damhuis

This chapter examines the structural sources of heterogeneity among radical right voters. It does so by focusing on three dimensions: whodunnit (social characteristics), whydunnit (political preferences) and howdunnit (the political decision-making process). In order to account for the interrelatedness of socio-structural variables, this part of the study relies on Pierre Bourdieu’s conception of social space. In this two-dimensional framework, the volume of cultural and economic capital constitutes a vertical axis (with high capital volume at the top and low capital volume at the bottom), whereas the horizontal dimension covers the composition of capital (with a dominance of cultural capital on the left side and a dominance of economic capital on the right side of the axis). Based on specific multiple correspondence analyses (MCA), the chapter reports recurring patterns of structural diversity among radical right-wing voters, that are of crucial importance with respect to the findings presented in Chapters 6, 7, and 8.

Author(s):  
Koen Damhuis

This second chapter lays down the theoretical bedrock of the book. In line with the bilateral framework of this study, it covers both the demand-side and supply-side. With respect to the latter, the chapter links cleavage theory and conflict sociology to the Laclauian notion of equivalence, arguing that the appeal of radical right-wing parties relies on their capacity to coherently unify a multiplicity of heterogeneous demands along the same main antagonism: national versus foreign. Following Weber’s and Parkin’s thoughts on social closure, the chapter theorizes that this nativist core conflict is invoked according to a specific tripartite structure, which has remained quite unnoticed in the existing literature. Pertaining to the demand-side, this chapter first discusses the assumptions underlying an electoral equifinality approach, before turning to the theoretically expected structural heterogeneity among radical right-wing voters. This heterogeneity is theorized along three dimensions within a Bourdieusian framework of social space: social characteristics (who), political preferences (why), and political interest (how). Finally, the chapter discusses different micro-level grievances that are likely to foster radical right support and links them to different socio-structural positions.


2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerry Veenstra

I apply Pierre Bourdieu’s conception of relationally-defined social spaces of capitals and classes that delimit highbrow and lowbrow cultural forms to Canadian society. I use categorical principal components analysis techniques and a nationally representative survey dataset from 1998 containing measures of economic capital, cultural capital and a wide range of cultural practices to construct a visual representation of Canadian social space which is directly inspired by the social space for 1960s France crafted by Bourdieu in Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste (Bourdieu 1984). After identifying nascent class groupings and potentially highbrow and lowbrow cultural practices in my depiction of social space, I speculate on precisely how such cultural practices might factor into class dynamics in Canada, in particular examining the role played by “cultural omnivorism” in identifying and reinforcing class distinctions.


Author(s):  
Olga Modzelewska

Socialization as a long-life process is an extremely important element of every human's life. From a early years every child is taught the right behaviour in the social space. One of the areas in which we are socialized are the behaviours and the roles of each gender. Little girls are taught behaviours based on empathy and care while boys are guided towards diverse physical activities. Sport then becomes a space where boy learns behaviours that are considered by the society to be proper for the men. Features described as "typically male" which boys learn while doing sports include domination, aggression or competition. Learned desire to dominate in this space is one of the determinants of Pierre Bourdieu's habitus of men. Domination structures are also the product of endless reproduction processes which results in the duplication of behaviour patterns including in the case of gender roles. Men and women are the main victims and prisoners of contemporary dominant cultural ideas. Not only the fact of doing sports is perceived as an appropriate socialization for masculinity but also being a fan  is an area of "proper gender socialization".  Sport as a space of manifestation by men of their strength and courage is also an exemplification of the hegemonic masculinity presented by Raewyn Connell.


Author(s):  
Ida Ayu Gede Artayani ◽  
I Wayan Ardika ◽  
I Nyoman Suarka ◽  
I Wayan Suwena

Pottery craftsmen in Pejaten Village still survive producing traditional pottery amid changes in their socio-cultural space. This study aims to analyze the reasons they persist in the realm of traditional pottery crafts today. This study uses the paradigm of critical thinking with a qualitative approach that views social reality as something that is intact, complex, dynamic, full of meaning with interactive symptom relationships. This research, analyzed by the generative structural theory of Pierre Bourdieu. Theory to explain the practice in the realm of pottery crafts in Pejaten Village. Bourdieu made a generative formula about practice, namely: (Habitus x Capital) + Domain = Practice. The results of this study indicate the survival practice of these pottery craftsmen by applying the habitus cutting strategy, in the form of intergenerational skills through informal education between families. Habitus they have internalized in individuals and make them have cultural capital. Ownership of cultural capital can be converted into other forms of capital, but the ability to convert capital cannot be done by all individuals, even though they grow and have a similar habitus. This is influenced by cognitive abilities, reasoning power, episteme, and individual experiences. This results in a class structure in the realm. Ownership of habitus and cultural capital is not sufficient to survive in this realm. Other capital ownership is needed, such as: economic capital, social capital, and symbolic capital. The results of this study can be used as a reference for developing the cultural sustainability of the traditional heritage between generations in responding to the changes that have occurred in the social space for pottery handicrafts in Pejaten Village today.  Keywords: sustainability, habitus, capital, traditional pottery craftsmen.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Patrycja Kanafocka

W zakresie aktywności kobiet w okresie II Rzeczypospolitej zaszły zmiany. Pierwszą było osiągnięcie poczucia bezpieczeństwa, które spowodowało, że tajne organizacje samokształceniowe, czytelnie, biblioteki wydawały się zbędne, choćby dlatego, że wysiłek wykształcenia w duchu polskim spoczywający w czasach zaboru pruskiego głównie na kobietach, został przejęty przez państwo. Działalność charytatywna natomiast uległa wzbogaceniu o nowe inicjatywy, rozkwitało życie towarzyskie, w wolnym państwie prowadzone swobodnie. Powstawały stowarzyszenia zawodowe przy zakładach pracy i przedsiębiorstwach, w każdym zaangażowane były także kobiety. Przyjmowano je również do towarzystw zakładanych przez mężczyzn. Niewątpliwie największe osiągnięcie, a więc prawa wyborcze, było także wyzwaniem, uniemożliwiało cichą pracę w swoim gronie, do której kobiety zdążyły się przyzwyczaić i wymagało niekiedy radykalnego forsowania argumentów, wymuszało poszerzenie horyzontów. Udział kobiet w przestrzeni społecznej II Rzeczypospolitej bez pracy rozpoczętej w XIX wieku byłby niemożliwy. Uświadomienie bowiem, również społeczne czy polityczne, jest procesem, w którym długa droga to nie tylko czas rozwoju kobiety – świadomej obywatelki, lecz i mężczyzny, gotowego, aby dzielić przestrzeń społeczną z kobietą. Women’s organizations at the end of the 19th century and the participation of Polish women in the social life of the Second Polish Republic When it comes to the activity of women during the times of the Second Republic, there were a lot of changes. Firstly, a sense of security was gained, which meant that secret self-education, reading rooms and libraries were redundant, since the effort of educating in the Polish spirit during Prussian occupation, mostly made by women, was overtaken by the state. Charitable activity was enriched with new initiatives, and social life flourished, because it could be led freely in the free state. Professional associations at plants and companies emerged, in which women also participated. Women were also welcome in societies established by men. Undoubtedly, the biggest achievement, the right to vote, was also a challenge, as it made it impossible to work quietly in limited, female-only circles – an activity women had managed to get used to. This sometimes required radical argumentation, and forced one to stay open minded. Female participation in the public life of the Second Republic would have been impossible without the work that had began in the 19th century. Raising awareness, both social and political, is a process. Long way is required not only for a woman to become a conscious citizen, but also for a man to become ready to share the social space.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 95-108
Author(s):  
Diana Aksamit

Everyone has the right to participate in social life regardless of personal situation, level of psychosocial functioning, gender, race or type of disability. The inherent condition of interpersonal contacts, taking place in the social space and constituting the basis of social life, is the desire to establish social relations and perceiving another participant in this process as an exceptional, original component. According to this, every person has the right to participate actively in social life, to be a part of it as “I” in order to create “we”. The aim of the article is to discuss and propagate scientific considerations about the possibilities and limitations of supporting the process of shaping the identity (personal and social) of people with profound intellectual disabilities. The article has an analytical character and aims to map the identity of people with profound intellectual disabilities in scientific and practical studies. It identifies areas and the type of support that will contribute to the development of the psychosocial identity of individuals with profound intellectual disabilities. It also presents factors resulting from the specificity of profound intellectual disabilities which may hinder the process of carrying out assistance for the given group by the supportinstitutions.


2020 ◽  
pp. 61-70
Author(s):  
Ana-Leticia Hernández-Julián ◽  
Sandra Vera-Zambrano

At first glance, journalists appear to form a socially homogeneous professional group. Nothing seems to distinguish them with respect to their position in the social space. Men and women from diverse social origins work in the profession, being mostly urban and with higher education, employed by different media, and who also define themselves–and their work–mainly as a vocation and passion. Much of the literature holds the same. Journalism would then be defined by individual motivations rather than social elements. However, it is also possible to verify that within this group there are very different working conditions, as well as an unequal distribution of (economic, cultural, and social) capital. This research questions how each journalist, beyond the vocational argument, defines their profession through their own social conditions of possibility. To understand the diversity of conceptions about journalism that we find empirically through the prism of position in the social space, this work is inspired by the field theory of Pierre Bourdieu. Based on 30 in-depth interviews with editors and journalists from different media in Mexico City and with different social characteristics, we argue that the volume and structure of the resources possessed by each journalist will contribute to nurturing the discourse of vocation, but with the inclusion of elements that are particular to their individual condition. We can thus explain the multiple positions in the face of differences in terms of job insecurity, journalistic values, and permanence in the professional field. Resumen A primera vista, los periodistas parecen conformar un grupo profesional socialmente homogéneo. Nada parece distinguirlos con respecto a su posición en el espacio social. En la profesión trabajan hombres y mujeres de orígenes sociales diversos, mayoritariamente urbanos y con estudios superiores, empleados por distintos medios de comunicación, y que además se definen –y definen su trabajo– principalmente por la vocación y la pasión. Una gran parte de la literatura sostiene lo mismo. El periodismo se definiría entonces por motivaciones individuales más que por elementos sociales. Sin embargo, también es posible constatar que dentro del grupo existen condiciones laborales muy distintas, así como una distribución desigual de capitales (económico, cultural y social). Esta investigación cuestiona cómo cada periodista, detrás del argumento vocacional, define la profesión a través de sus propias condiciones sociales de posibilidad. Con el fin de comprender la diversidad de concepciones sobre periodismo que encontramos empíricamente según el prisma de la posición en el espacio social, este trabajo se inspira en la teoría de campos de Pierre Bourdieu. A partir de 30 entrevistas a profundidad hechas a editores y periodistas de distintos medios en la Ciudad de México y con distintas propiedades sociales, sostenemos que el volumen y estructura de recursos poseídos por cada periodista contribuirá a nutrir el discurso de la vocación, pero insertando elementos propios a su condición individual. Es así que podemos explicar las múltiples posturas frente a las diferencias en lo que compete a la precarización laboral, los valores periodísticos y la permanencia en el campo profesional.


Author(s):  
Nicolás José Isola

Forms of knowledge production adopted by academics in a given national space do not emerge without the right circumstances. Student circulation has a bearing on knowledge import processes. Opening with an overview of the field of Argentinian anthropology in the 1970s and 1980s, this article looks at some of the consequences of the international circulation of Argentinian students through the Social Anthropology Master’s and PhD Programs at the National Museum of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (PPGAS-MN/UFRJ) from the late 1980s to the present. Based on documents in the PPGAS-MN archives, interviews with lecturers and former students and a review of PPGAS-MN and Argentinian university syllabi, this article: (i) provides a historical description of the agreement between institutions that has facilitated this flow; (ii) describes how this circulation has given these students a new perspective on the ethnographic approach and on classical anthropology; and (iii) describes how, from a student viewpoint, this shift has altered their way of thinking about social anthropology research and given them a new habitus. The results hint at a new approach to classical anthropology and the use of ethnographic data. There were three main drivers: (i) PPGAS-MN lecturers’ emphasis on the relevance of empirical data and the primacy of theory prevailing in Argentina; (ii) the renewed deep reading of classic ethnographical texts; and (iii) the development of a new habitus as a result of socialisation in the ensuing social space.


Sociology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (5) ◽  
pp. 879-899 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vegard Jarness ◽  
Magne Paalgard Flemmen ◽  
Lennart Rosenlund

Questions of political conflict have always been central to class analysis; changing political fault lines were a key argument in the debates about the ‘death of class’. The ensuing ‘cultural turn’ in class analysis has shown how class continues to shape lives and experience, though often in new ways. In this article, we bring this mode of analysis to the political domain by unpacking how a multidimensional concept of class – based on the ideas of Bourdieu – can help make sense of contemporary political divisions. We demonstrate that there is a homological relation between the social space and the political space: pronounced political divisions between ‘old’ politics related to economic issues and ‘new’ politics related to ‘post-material values’ follow the volume and composition of capital. Importantly, the left/right divide seems more clearly related to the divide between cultural and economic capital than to the class hierarchy itself.


Author(s):  
Valeriy Heyets

At the end of the XXth century, in the countries of the former socialist camp, the capitalist reforms of the fundamental content of the principles of ensuring the right to liberty were carried out, including the economic one, that was realized in accordance with the existence and protection of the rights for a private property. This choice was made because there was a fundamental desire to overcome the dependence on the leadership of the political sovereign, which, in fact, ensured the receipt of «rents» through the implementation of a centralized management system on a planning and distribution basis, restraining the desire to gain freedom by providing opportunities for self-realization. In place of the ideology of the political «sovereign», the new ways of human activity coordination had to come, based on the principles of the ideology of liberalism. At the initial stages of reforms, the problems of institutionalization of activity of both the state and business, remained out of attention, since freedom was «above all».Capitalism, that develops without control and restrictions, is guided by a single criterion - by the private interest of the strongest and remains hostile to any form of public interest of the majority. At the same time, the development of the social institutions requires the formation of an institutional space for the implementation of the civic initiatives and the protection of freedoms from the manifestations of power and the weakly controlled monopoly organized business in the limitation of the civic activity. For this reason, in the process of development of society, the state should establish the long-term social mechanisms not only to consolidate the new spirit of capitalization and further economic growth, but also development through the social mechanisms of the social space that will not break, but will stabilize the society on the basis of the social values.


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