The Possibilities of Liberal Reform

Author(s):  
James Retallack

This chapter examines the years 1866–76 as a period of far-reaching liberal achievements in Germany’s Second Reich, and more modest, temporary liberal successes in Saxony. The first section provides a close examination of the Reichstag elections of February 1867, when Germans confronted the novelty of mass politics. It considers principal campaign themes and key races in order to convey the look and feel of this election contest, and discusses reactions to the election outcome in light of the political parties’ future prospects. A second section examines Saxony’s important but uncertain role in the North German Confederation, and the Reichstag election of August 1867. A third section is devoted to Saxony’s Landtag suffrage reform of 1868. Liberals, Conservatives, and the Saxon government put forward competing agendas for reform. The final reform reflected a mix of liberal and conservative ideals, and the general election of 1869 inaugurated a fragile liberal era.

2019 ◽  
pp. 237-255

Resumen: El trabajo se centra en una cuestión poco tratada, como es la renta básica universal y su relación con los actuales programas de los partidos políticos, con los que han concurrido a las elecciones generales, con una doble dimensión: a) lo que cada programa presenta y defiende acerca de esta renta o medidas similares (justificación, alcance y límites), y b) una vez esbozadas la idea y alcance de la renta en cada partido, el análisis comparativo de las diversas propuestas de los partidos, abundando en la cercanía o la distancia de tales propuestas con una renta básica universal Palabras clave:renta básica universal, rentas de solidaridad, políticas sociales, igualdad social, soluciones a la pobreza. Abstract: The work focuses on a little-treated issue, as it is the universal basic income and its relationship with existing programmes of the political parties, which have attended the general election, with a double dimension: (a) what each program presents and defends about this income or similar measures (justification, scope and limits), and b) once outlined the idea and scope of the income in each party, the comparative analysis of the various proposals of the parties, abounding in the closeness or distance of such proposals with a universal basic income. Keywords:universal basic income, income from solidarity, social policy, social equality, solutions to poverty.


2008 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 289-291
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ofer Feldman ◽  
Peter Bull

Affiliative response invitations were analysed in 38 speeches delivered during the 2009 Japanese general election by 18 candidates for the House of Representatives (the lower house of the National Diet of Japan). The results clearly replicated those reported by Bull and Feldman (2011) in their analysis of the 2005 Japanese general election. Highly significant correlations were found between the two studies not only for the overall pattern of affiliative responses, but also for each type of response (applause, laughter and cheering). In both studies, over 70% of affiliative responses occurred in response to explicit invitations from the speaker. This contrasts with British political meetings, where applause occurs principally in response to implicit rhetorical devices. However, the candidates’ electoral success showed no significant correlations either with overall affiliative response rate, or with rates for applause, laughter or cheering. It is proposed that the prime function of affiliative response invitations at these meetings is not so much to win votes as to give the audience the opportunity to express their support both for the candidates and for the political parties they represent.


Author(s):  
Rehia K. Isabella Barus ◽  
Armansyah Matondang ◽  
Nina Angelia ◽  
Beby Masitho Batubara

Ahead of the 2019 general election which is divided into two stages, namely the Legislative election and the Presidential election. This event is the right moment to find out the political participation of the people at the grass-roots level while at the same time seeing the interaction between the people in the grass-roots and political parties. The interaction that wants to be seen is what forms of political behavior and community participation at the grassroots, as well as how political parties behave in interacting with this community. Then the important point that is also seen is how political parties behave in involving and seeking to raise support from the community. In the end, through this research, it will be known the quality of political participation from the public and electoral political parties in 2019.


Significance However, opposition political parties and former rebels, most prominently northern Mali’s main ex-rebel bloc, the Coordination of Movements of Azawad (CMA), refuse to participate in the dialogue. Substantial tensions between the government and CMA present worrying signals about the trajectory of Mali's peace process. Impacts Rising insecurity will prompt neighbouring states to apply greater pressure on Bamako to resolve the situation in northern Mali. Jihadist leader Iyad ag Ghali will be central to resolving the political question in the north. France’s opposition to talks with jihadists may delay or preclude altogether such an option.


This book tells the story of the unexpected 2017 British general election and its equally unexpected outcome: the Conservatives’ loss of their parliamentary majority and Theresa May’s return at the head of a minority government. As with previous volumes in the Britain at the polls series, it provides readers with a series of interpretations of the election and expert accounts of the major political parties, including their responses to the 2016 Brexit referendum. Again in keeping with previous volumes, the book does not seek to provide a blow-by-blow account of the 2017 election campaign, nor does it seek to provide a detailed survey-based account of voting behaviour. Instead, it offers readers a broad analysis of recent political, economic and social developments and assesses their impact on the election outcome. It also addresses questions about the state of the political parties and the party system in the wake of the election, and reflects on the future of British electoral and party politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-29
Author(s):  
Anak Agung Ngurah Agung Wira Bima Wikrama

Political parties are the only institution that has the right to propose candi- dates for president and vice president as stipulated in Article 6A paragraph 2 of the 1945 Constitution so that they will have power and legitimacy as heads of state and heads of government. These constitutional rights are not owned by any democratic institution other than political parties. However, in the process of holding the general election, it does not always go as expected, as stated in the KPU’s laws and regulations. There were irregulari- ties committed by candidates and by political parties in the form of Money Politics.According to the political dowry event is in the general election area based on the legal principle of Lex specialis derogat legimitation generaly which states that the law is specific (lex specialis) overrides the general law (lex generalis) the Money Politic event is resolved by an institution, namely Bawaslu (General Election Supervisory Board).Besides the Article 6A paragraph 2 of the 1945, there is also Law Number 10 of 2016 concerning the Second Amendment of Law No. 1 in 2015 concerning the stipulation of Perppu (the governmental regulation of low amandement) Number 1 in 2014 according to the governor’s election, regents and mayors, especially in Article 47, Article 187A,Article 187B, Article 187C and Article 187D which regulates general elections. But in reality there are many irregularities in the implementation of the Constitution and etc.Events in the form of political dowry still occured which is evidenced by the infor- mation given by several witnesses and as the victim and perpetrator of the political dowry. Surprisingly, the General Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu) as an election watchdog institution mandated by the Act to enforce the prevailing regulations is very difficult to carry out its duties, reminding that Bawaslu has weaknesses in handling the alleged polit- ical dowry. The weakness of Bawaslu is that they do not have the power to take witnesses or people who will be questioned.The author argues that there is a need for a legal protection in the form of a law that provides better opportunities to Bawaslu so that the position of Bawaslu as an election supervisory bord can be much stronger.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-374
Author(s):  
Nur’Ayni Itasari

Abstract: The selection process through the  (general) election mechanism can be identified with the electoral system ever implemented in the Islamic government. First, the electoral system of ahl al-hall wa al-'aqd which was carried out by the trust and allegiance. Second, the electoral system of ahl al-hall wa al-'aqd which was done through the periodic election, selection in society, and by the head of state. Parliamentary Threshold (PT) is a threshold mechanism in place at legislative elections (for parliament) with a percentage of 2.5% for the political parties which contested the election to follow the counting in the determination of the House of Representative’s seats. Parliamentary Threshold, according to Law No. 10 year 2008, article 202, paragraph 1 (regarding the election of members of DPR, DPD and DPRD) in the 2009 election, was implemented by calculating the minimum total of 2.5% of the valid votes in the national political party contestants. Then those parties were listed, which ones were the Parliamentary Threshold and which ones were not the Parliamentary Threshold to determine BPP to calculate the DPR’s seats for the electoral party  contestants that had passed the threshold.Keywords: Parliamentary threshold, general election, democracy, and constitution


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Denny Arinanda Kurnia

General Election is a means of implementing the sovereignty of the people in direct, general, free, confidential, honest, and fair manner within the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia based on Pancasila and the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945. The election has many dynamics, expensive politics, lavish campaign funds for image politics, costly consulting and surveys of winning money, as well as money politics. The disclosure of political parties is highly important in the implementation of the elections due to the many streams of corruption used in the election. As a result, people do not believe in political parties, or some Indonesians are no longer sympathetic to political parties. The idea of a political party's financial transparency regulation should be carefully examined in the Indonesians’ election codification scheme. In the future, Indonesia must have a transparent and accountable campaign or political funding arrangement, along with strong sanctions and binding on the parties involved. Therefore, the people will restore their trust to the political parties, and assure the political parties to channel their aspirations in the granting of rights in the elections.Keywords: Finance; Political parties; Corruption


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