The Socialists

2020 ◽  
pp. 284-298
Author(s):  
Christos Lyrintzis
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Sovereign Debt ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political

This chapter deals with the political trajectory of the Greek socialist party PASOK, from its foundation in 1974 until its electoral demise during and after the sovereign debt economic crisis of the 2009–15 period. The analysis of the Greek socialists starts with a brief discussion of the manner in which PASOK was founded, its organizational and ideological features, its electoral base and the new elements it brought into Greek politics. It continues with the presentation of the party’s performance in power during the 1980s and the 1990s. Next, follows a discussion of the period 2004–09 when PASOK was in opposition, and the management of the economic crisis during the period 2009–12 when the party was again in power. Finally, the role of populism in Greek politics is discussed in relation to the current problems PASOK is facing in an era of economic crisis.

scholarly journals Away from Politics? Trajectories of Italian Third Sector after the 2008 Crisis

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
pp. 228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandro Busso
Keyword(s):  
Nonprofit Organizations ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Third Sector ◽  
Social Enterprises ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Management Models ◽  
Managerial Strategies ◽  
The Relationship

In modern democracies, nonprofit organizations and social enterprises have a relevant political role that may be threatened by the entry into the market of services. This risk increases in time of economic crisis, when the competition grows stronger and the economic needs become more urgent. Starting from this assumption, the article analyzes the relationship between the managerial strategies and the political role of the Italian third sector, focusing on the implications of the management models put in place in order to “survive” the 2008 economic crisis. Two ideal-typical strategies will be outlined, labelled respectively “entrepreneurial turn” and “hyper-embeddedness”, which seem to have effects both in terms of the manner in which the political role is realized, and in terms of the degree of politicization of the organizations. Since such strategies can both increase or decrease nonprofits’ political ambitions, it is not possible to give an interpretation in terms of a tout court distancing from politics. However, it will be argued that a trait common to all the trajectories is the withdrawal from what Mouffe defines “the political”, referring specifically to the dimension of conflict and antagonism.

The Role of the Media in the Process of “Color Revolutions” in the Cis

2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-127
Author(s):  
Zhao Yonghua
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Industrial Development ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Color Revolutions ◽  
The Media ◽  
Cis Countries ◽  
The U.S

The main cause of "color revolutions" in the Commonwealth (CIS) countries is the political and economic crisis. The media policies, an-ti-government opinion and western media precipitaed the event. This article discusses the importance and influence of media on the pro-gress of "color revolutions" based on patterns of media and political reforms in the state, industrial development of mass media and media strategy of the Western States (as an example the U.S.) in relation to Commonwealth (CIS) countries.

The Gramscian Moment of the Spanish Crisis

boundary 2 ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-86
Author(s):  
Antonio Gómez López-Quiñones
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
The Political ◽  
Antonio Gramsci ◽  
Theoretical Discussion ◽  
Historical Explanation ◽  
Social Landscape ◽  
Organizational Work

One of the surprising outcomes of the 2008 economic crisis in Spain has been the emergence of Antonio Gramsci as a fashionable figure. This “all-purpose Gramsci” forces us to regain some historical perspective on the Spanish reception of his ideas. In the 1970s, different clans within the camp opposing Franco's regime came up with their own self-serving—liberal, Leninist, autonomist, Eurocommunist—versions of Gramsci. The theoretical discussion about these uses and abuses of Gramsci gravitated around the Italian communist's idealist epistemology and the role of “ideology” and “culture” within it. Since 2008, we find two different approaches to this same Gramscian issue: one that peddles a political theory of discursive rearrangement of a semi-emptied and adjustable social landscape; and a second one that embraces a movementist, horizontal, and anti-state organizational work on the ground. The political efficiency of these two approaches is significantly impaired by the lack of a sober historical explanation of why the rapprochement with Gramsci only during times of economic turmoil and political rupture is highly paradoxical.

scholarly journals Political-administrative relations: The role of political advisers

2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-182
Author(s):  
Bernadette Connaughton
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Literature ◽  
Administrative System ◽  
The Core ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
Core Executive ◽  
Irish Case ◽  
And Function

Abstract Ministerial advisers were first formally appointed as support for individual Irish ministers in 1973, and since then their numbers and tasks have considerably expanded. As ‘temporary civil servants’, they are regarded as both an accepted and criticised feature of executive government. This article focuses on the role of political staff during the period 2011-16 and centres on the period of the economic crisis and its immediate aftermath. It considers themes arising in the international literature that raise questions for the reform of the Irish ‘special adviser’. In order to unpack the specifics of the Irish case, the position and function of special advisers are explored through two theoretical perspectives - public adviser bargains and the core executive. It is argued that the special adviser continues to fit somewhat uneasily within the imperatives of the political-administrative system because they are personally appointed by ministers and their selection is determined by the level and type of support required by individual ministers, as opposed to any preordained skills set.

From the Communist Party to the Front de gauche. The French radical left from 1989 to 2014

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 313-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Damiani ◽  
Marino De Luca
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
Left Front ◽  
Radical Left

This article examines the political transformations experienced by the Communist Party and the evolution of the radical left in France in the twenty-five years after 1989. Interpreting the Communist Party and Left Front as anti-establishment, that is, opposed to the political elite, but pro-system parties that are not interested in changing the nature of democratic governance. The peculiarities of French communism and its political philosophy are illustrated. Finally, this study considers the constituent process of the Front. At the beginning of the 21st century, the Front plays the role of a political federation to the left of the Socialist Party with positive electoral results.

EU Law, Politics, and the Social Question

2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 581-611 ◽  
Author(s):  
Floris de Witte
Keyword(s):  
Sovereign Debt ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
Social Question ◽  
Life Chances ◽  
The Social ◽  
Distribution Of Resources ◽  
Legal Integration

This contribution analyzes how the process of European integration has affected the capacity of citizens to collectively decide on the “social question,” that is, on the distribution of resources and life chances between individuals in a society. It starts by highlighting the pivotal role of “the political” in any answer to such question (B); generally traces the demise of this role under the pressures of globalization, legal integration, and the sovereign debt crisis (C); and suggests that law has been an important instrument for the lifting of the social question outside the scope of political contestation. This contribution then briefly catalogues different alternatives that can serve to reappropriate the social question within the realm of politics, argues that our priority should lie in the formation of a transnational public sphere, and suggests that EU law can, in several ways, contribute towards, if not fully deliver, a return of authorship and ownership about how societies function to the citizen (D).

scholarly journals Coronomics, Financial support for the Economy and its Zombie-ing (In the Context of the Fifth Factor of Production)

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 6-23
Author(s):  
V. Papava ◽  
M. Chkuaseli
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Financial Support ◽  
Special Functions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Global Character ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Analysis And Synthesis ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

The paper examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the economy and the corresponding atypical economic crisis, the role of the economic ability of the government during this crisis, aspects of financial support for the economy and the peculiarities of the zombie economy. The aim of the study is to research the actions of the economic ability of the government as an independent factor of production in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, contributing to the unfolding of the process of zombie-ing the economy. The research uses the methods of deduction and induction, analysis and synthesis, analogy and abstraction. The special functions of the government are considered within the context of the economic crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic; particularly, we refer to the recognition of the fifth factor of production of the economic ability of the government. The main features of this atypical crisis are characterized. It is shown that the process of deglobalization during the COVID-19 pandemic characterizes the deglobalization of the economic ability of the government and that this process is temporary, since overcoming the global phenomenon of the pandemic and the economic crisis caused by it requires exclusively global efforts and measures. Particular attention is focused on the financial support of the economy from the economic ability of the government within the context of this economic crisis. The conclusion is that this support contributes to the process of zombie-ing the economy which took on a global character during the global financial and economic crisis of 2007–2009 and continued after its completion. Zombie-ing the economy is the result of a conflict between the political interests of the government and its economic ability when the latter is not able to overcome the barrier created by the former. A solution to this problem is possible through changes in bankruptcy legislation when its main principle of avoiding the unwanted bankruptcy of firms will be replaced by the principle of liquidation of unviable firms. Such a change in bankruptcy legislation can be implemented only during the economic upswing.

scholarly journals Corruption, Marginality and Social Disorder as Threats to National and Human Security in Nigeria

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Philip Ogochukwu Ujomu
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Human Security ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Disorder ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Common

This essay focuses on the issue of corruption, marginality and the social disorder attending it, as threats to national and human security in Nigeria. It not only examines the problems of corruption in Nigeria and the implications of this for national security, but also, discusses the role of an ethical idea of citizenship in tackling corruption and reinventing the political community. In Nigeria, corruption has played a key role in aggravating the political and economic crisis besetting the country. Depreciation of human dignity and collapse of infrastructures have ensured the systematic elite misappropriation of state power, the primitive accumulation of capital, ethno-cultural intolerance and political manipulation in the society. This paper searches for a set of norms capable of mitigating needless dehumanization and inequalities, and improving welfare of the majority by evolving public citizens oriented to the common good.

How to Survive the End of the World

2021 ◽  
pp. 176-215
Author(s):  
Marilisa Jiménez García
Keyword(s):  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Public Debt ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
End Of The World ◽  
Youth Literature

This chapter contextualizes the contemporary era of youth literature and media in Puerto Rico and its diaspora, both those in the US and those returning to Puerto Rico. Looking at the 1980s into 2010s, this chapter analyzes the role of youth literature and culture in Puerto Rico’s contemporary struggles, including its economic crisis, public debt, the devastation of Hurricane Maria, and the political uprising which led to the resignation of former Governor Ricardo Rosello. Puerto Rican storytellers continue narrating Puerto Rico’s contemporary frontline struggles, from Broadway to comics to community-organized story times and children’s books.

scholarly journals Mujer y economía. La “narrativa de la crisis” desde la perspectiva de género

1970 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-105
Author(s):  
Magda Potok
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Models ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Female Authors ◽  
Politics Of Literature ◽  
Notable Increase ◽  
Political Intervention

For the last two decades, especially since the 2008 economic crisis, there has been a notable increase in literary works exploring social, political and economic themes in Spain. The growing number of “crisis novels” has reignited the debate about the political role of literature and its ability to challenge and modify existing social models. This article seeks to highlight the female perspective within this discussion.The aim of my analysis of the five novels written by contemporary Spanish female authors (Belén Gopegui, Cristina Fallarás, Cristina Morales, Elvira Navarro and Marta Sanz) and published between 2007 and 2018 is to expose the distinctive female experience as represented in the literature, where it often turns into undermining the system. If women’s literary practice takes the form of political intervention, it is not just because of the collapse of the fundamental trust in the state and its institutions, but mainly due to the shifts in the distribution of the sensible, as we tend to understand the politics of literature after Jacques Rancière.

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