Interest Groups, Business Associations, and Trade Unions

Author(s):  
Susana Aguilar

Spanish civil society has been characterized as weak and state-dependent as a consequence of the long-lived Francoist dictatorship (1939–1976). Since the advent of democracy, the state has granted unions and business associations a representational monopoly and a consultative role, and promoted private groups through an inflow of legislation and the distribution of public subsidies. The pattern of interest intermediation whereby the administration was largely sealed off from interest groups has been gradually changing and opening up to different interests. Since the 1990s, new lobbying activities have been documented as well as a growth in non-profit and youth-led associations, but discrepancies still prevail as to whether this will consolidate in an upward trend. One way or another, Spain’s status as a low-middle range country in associational terms in comparative studies has not changed and the union density has remained low. The 2008 economic crisis has paved the way for the mobilization of citizens who denounced the privileged and behind-the-scenes relation between the political class and certain economic and financial interests. Political disaffection and the perception of growing corruption have come hand in hand.

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-46
Author(s):  
Maarten Keune

In the context of rising inequality between capital and labour and among wage-earners in Europe, this state-of-the-art article reviews the literature concerning the relationship between collective bargaining and inequality. It focuses on two main questions: (i) what is the relationship between collective bargaining, union bargaining power and inequality between capital and labour? and (ii) what is the relationship between collective bargaining, union bargaining power and wage inequality among wage-earners? Both questions are discussed in general terms and for single- and multi-employer bargaining systems. It is argued that collective bargaining coverage and union density are negatively related to both types of inequality. These relationships are however qualified by four additional factors: who unions represent, the weight of union objectives other than wages, the statutory minimum wage, and extensions of collective agreements by governments.


Res Publica ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-32
Author(s):  
Kurt Vandaele

This article explains the ebb and flow in Belgian trade union membership from 1946 to 1995 by replicating the econometric model by Bain and Elsheikhn in which changes in macro-economic variables are highly significant. Since the automatic indexation of wages and the extension of collective labour agreements invite free riding, the relevance of the change in inflation and real wage is quite striking. However, the free riding-effect is slowed down by the institutionalised presence of the trade unions on the work floor. The Ghent system explains the positive impact of the unemployment rate . The model is furthermore improved by the trade union density as a structural variable. The linear form reflects the enforcement effect, while the quadratic form mirrors the saturation effect on the trade union membership. Mainly due to the 'Allgemeinkoalitionsfähighkeit' of the Belgian government system, the impact of left parties on union growth and decline is not significant in a quantitative framework. With only four explanatory variables the model clarifies more than 75% of the fluctuations in Belgian trade union membership.


Author(s):  
Gaye A. Greenwood ◽  
Carolyn Ward

This case history offers an insiders' view of bringing about change in union bargaining within major New Zealand organizations. While unions play a pivotal role in the day-to-day bargaining of wages and workplace conditions, there has been a significant reduction in union density and membership. In this case, two union leaders narrate how a shift from traditional bargaining to interest-based negotiation enabled participation in organizational change decision-making, built trust in relationships, and increased union membership.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-358
Author(s):  
Bengt Furåker

European trade unions have much to gain from cooperating with each other. Such cooperation does exist, but it is still fairly limited and many obstacles need to be overcome if cooperation is to be improved. According to our survey data, higher-level union officials regard differences concerning financial resources and national labour market regulations to be particularly substantial barriers to cooperation. The enormously varying union density across Europe, and its general decrease, also creates barriers. Therefore, employee attitudes to unions are examined using data from the International Social Survey Programme. As expected, union members tend to be more positive about trade unions than non-members. The most interesting finding, however, is that employees in some countries with low union density exhibit fairly positive views or at least views that are not less positive than what we find among employees in many countries with higher density rates. This suggests that there is potential for recruiting members.


CJEM ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (S1) ◽  
pp. S89-S89
Author(s):  
G. Dashi ◽  
H.A. Puls ◽  
R. Ostervig ◽  
O. Shu ◽  
A. Huynh ◽  
...  

Introduction: The International Student Association of Emergency Medicine (ISAEM) is a non-profit organization composed of medical students and student groups who believe that everyone deserves high-quality emergency care. Our aim is to promote and foster the concept, philosophy, and art of Emergency Medicine (EM). More specifically, we seek to 1) create an international network of medical students interested in EM, 2) support EM Interest Groups (EMIGs) and medical students in accomplishing their goals, 3) call for the recognition of EM as an independent specialty in countries where it does not exist, 4) help medical students learn, practice, and advance EM in countries where it is already established, and 5) carry out international projects for the benefit of medical students interested in EM. Methods: ISAEM tries to accomplish its goals primarily by connecting interested medical students and EMIGs with each other, as well as with EM professionals and organizations around the world. Additionally, we support medical students and EMIGs financially, offer them extensive benefits through a free membership, represent their local interests through our National Ambassadors, and advocate on their behalf at the local, national, and international level. Results: ISAEM’s membership base is rapidly growing and our organization is currently represented by students in over 20 countries. In areas where the specialty of EM is not yet recognized, such as in Cameroon, ISAEM helped create the first EMIG and assists students with local projects. In countries where EM is new, such as Brazil, ISAEM helps students discover, explore, and advance this specialty. In countries where EM is thriving, like Canada, ISAEM offers students academic and personal opportunities to advance their careers and the specialty of EM internationally. Additionally, with the help of EM leaders worldwide, ISAEM has recently launched the FOAMed (Free Open Access Medical education) Translation Project and the International Observership Program. In the future, we aim to offer students international research, clinical, and mentorship programs, as well as more financial support. Conclusion: ISAEM is the international voice of medical student interested in promoting access to and expertise in emergency medical services worldwide. Through international collaboration, we hope to create an extensive network that will benefit medical students and the specialty of Emergency Medicine for many years to come.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-229
Author(s):  
J. Kevin Appleby

Executive Summary The Global Compact on Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration (GCM) provides a blueprint for nations to manage migration flows through multilateral cooperation. Nations are best served by partnering with a wide range of societal actors to implement the objectives of the GCM. Such civil society actors may include non-profit organizations, faith-based groups, the private sector, trade unions, and academia, among other relevant stakeholders. Each of these actors brings unique strengths to the implementation of the GCM, filling gaps in the care and protection of migrants. They perform tasks that governments are unable or unwilling to undertake, especially in the area of irregular migration. A “whole-of-society” approach is the most effective method for managing migration humanely and in concert with the rule of law.


2007 ◽  
Vol 123 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-17
Author(s):  
Peter van Onselen ◽  
Wayne Errington

This article analyses the Howard government's $55 million information campaign to sell its new industrial relations (IR) reforms. The expensive advertising campaign was spread across newspapers, television channels, radio stations and even on internet sites. It was widely criticised by media professionals, politicians and interest groups. The IR information campaign was an example of ‘permanent campaigning’ because it was an overtly partisan information campaign that appeared in the middle of an electoral cycle. It was also emblematic of the blurred lines between government and political advertising. However, the IR information campaign also revealed the limitations of incumbency advantage and the limitations to some aspects of the modern trend towards permanent campaigning. Public anger over the plethora of taxpayer-funded advertisements limited the effectiveness of the messages being delivered. The government persisted with the information campaign — perhaps a signal it was designed not to turn public opinion in favour of the reforms, but to prevent an increase in public dissatisfaction following the negative campaign being waged by the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU).


Author(s):  
Paul J. Gollan

Non-union collective voice (NCV) has tended to play a minimal role in many Anglo industrial relations systems, with few formal processes or legal requirements. However, the lack of representative structures covering increasing numbers of non-union employees due to declining levels of trade union density and legislative changes banning closed shop or compulsory union arrangements have prompted the current interest in NCV arrangements. This article explores management strategies towards, and the development of, NCV arrangements and union responses to such arrangements in predominately English-speaking countries. It also tracks the development of dual-channel NCV and union voice arrangements, and examines the interplay between channels of NCV and trade unions. Overall, the article reviews this theory and raises debates around management strategies and issues involved in the process of transition from NCV to unionism.


2012 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siret Hürsoy

The central argument of this article is that the strong state-centred tradition of Turkey has recently gone out of fashion. The breakdown of authoritarianism and state-centred approach and moving into a successful democratic consolidation and society-centred approach in Turkey requires choices to be made and alliances to be formed among intellectual-bureaucratic elite, the military, political parties, trade unions, other interest groups and various types of societal organisations. One of the most important difficulties for consolidating democracy in Turkey has been the complexity of creating stable, viable, accountable, responsive, predictable, representative, transparent, efficient and problem-solving oriented legitimate institutions where all citizens, regardless of ethnic origin or religious orientation, have a voice and enabling representation in such bureaucratic organs that altogether make-up the institution of state. This article will assert that the forces of democratic transition from a state-centred approach to a society-centred approach in Turkey are based on resolving the two main potentially difficult problems that are related with constant questioning of the legitimacy and democratic consolidation of the state apparatus: ethnic and religious paradoxes.


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