scholarly journals Cooperation in the Face of Transboundary Crisis: A Framework for Analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 197-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Blondin ◽  
Arjen Boin
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Financial Crisis ◽  
Crisis Management ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Cyber Attacks ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Environmental Threats ◽  
The Face ◽  
Crisis Responses

Abstract The nation state is discovering the limits of its crisis management capacities. The Ebola and Zika outbreaks, the financial crisis, the downing of flight MH17 over Ukraine, sinking ships overfilled with refugees, cyber-attacks, urban terrorism and existential environmental threats serve as strong reminders of the complex origins and transboundary dimensions of many contemporary crises and disasters. As these transboundary aspects of modern crises become increasingly manifest, the need for international, collaborative responses appears ever clearer. But that collaboration does not always emerge in time (or at all). Even in the European Union, which has various transboundary crisis management mechanisms in place, the willingness to initiate joint crisis responses varies. This observation prompted our research question: Why do states collaborate in response to some transboundary crises but not others? We bring together the crisis and collective action literatures to formulate a theoretical framework that can help answer this question. This article identifies crucial factors that facilitate a possible pathway toward a joint response.

scholarly journals Coopetition as the Factor of Increasing Level of Innovativeness in the SME Sector in Poland

2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 45-60
Author(s):  
Aneta Ejsmont
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Financial Crisis ◽  
Present Article ◽  
Opportunistic Behavior ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Organizational Conditions ◽  
Competition And Cooperation ◽  
The Face ◽  
Basic Parameters ◽  
The Common

Companies in Poland can realize their goals by assuring the necessary organizational conditions and by partially restricting opportunistic behavior within the limits sufficient to take stable coopetitive actions. In the face of the present financial crisis, innovativeness is one of the basic parameters in evaluation of the SME sector in Poland. The goal of the present article is to show that enhanced coopetition of the researched entities with huge holdings or concerns from Poland and with economic entities from the remaining countries of the European Union is a sine qua non of improving the level of innovativeness in the SME sector. The coopetition is defined as a phenomenon of simultaneous cooperation and competition of at least two entities, the aim of which is to better realize their goals or to work towards the common end. If levels of competition and cooperation are low, companies assume the strategies of the owners of micro-, small- or medium-sized enterprises. Being a condition necessary to improve the level of innovativeness in the Polish SME sector, coopetition is characteristic of the companies whose activities are narrowly specialized.

Polen: Flüchtlingsnotstand – aber wo sind die Flüchtlinge?

2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (140) ◽  
pp. 379-392
Author(s):  
Helmut Dietrich
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Local Conditions ◽  
Asylum Policy ◽  
The Face ◽  
Emergency Measures

Poland accepted the alien and asylum policy of the European Union. But what does it mean, in the face of the fact that most of the refugees don´t want to sojourn a lot of time in Poland, but want to join their families or friends in Western Europe? How the transfer of policies does work, if the local conditions are quite different than in Germany or France? The answer seems to be the dramatization of the refugee situation in Poland, especially the adoption of emergency measures towards refugees of Chechnya.

scholarly journals Constituent power and civil disobedience: Beyond the nation-state?

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
William E Scheuerman
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
Conscientious Objection ◽  
Radical Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Constituent Power ◽  
Constitutional Politics ◽  
Proper Interpretation

Radical democratic political theorists have used the concept of constituent power to sketch ambitious models of radical democracy, while many legal scholars deploy it to make sense of the political and legal dynamics of constitutional politics. Its growing popularity notwithstanding, I argue that the concept tends to impede a proper interpretation of civil disobedience, conceived as nonviolent, politically motivated lawbreaking evincing basic respect for law. Contemporary theorists who employ it cannot distinguish between civil disobedience and other related, yet ultimately different, modes of political illegality (e.g. conscientious objection, resistance, revolution). The essay also examines Jürgen Habermas’ recent contributions to a theory of mixed or dualistic (postnational) constituent power, conceding that Habermas avoids many theoretical and political ills plaguing competing radical democratic theoretical retrievals. Nonetheless, Habermas’ attempt to salvage the idea of constituent power as part of his reformist agenda for the European Union not only breaks with his earlier understandable skepticism about the idea but also risks trimming the admirably ambitious sails of his radical democratic interpretation of civil disobedience.

scholarly journals The Responsibility of Courts in Maintaining the Rule of Law: Two Tales of Consequential Judicial Self-Restraint

2021 ◽  
pp. 155-181
Author(s):  
Pál Sonnevend
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Court Decisions ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Constitutional Courts ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Legislative Power ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Law

AbstractModern constitutionalism is based on the paradigm that courts are inherently entitled and obliged to enforce the constitution of the respective polity. This responsibility of courts also applies in the context of the European Union to both the CJEU and national constitutional courts. The present chapter argues that in the face of constitutional crises the CJEU and the Hungarian Constitutional Court shy away from applying the law as it is to the full. The reasons behind this unwarranted judicial self-restraint are most different: the CJEU aims to avoid conflicts with national constitutional courts whereas the Hungarian Constitutional Court has been facing a legislative power also acting as constitution making power willing to amend the constitution to achieve specific legislative purposes or to undo previous constitutional court decisions. Yet both courts respond to expediencies that do not follow from the law they are called upon to apply. It is argued that rule of law backsliding requires these courts to abandon the unnecessary self-restraint and exploit the means already available.

scholarly journals Wpływ wyjścia Zjednoczonego Królestwa z Unii Europejskiej na wspólną politykę bezpieczeństwa i obrony UE

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Kubin
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Research Question ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Common Security

The exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union (so-called Brexit) is one of the most important events in the process of European integration. It has a lot of extremely remarkable implications – both for the EU and for the United Kingdom. Among other, Brexit will affect the security of the United Kingdom and the EU. The aim of the study is to answer the research question: how will Britain’s exit from the EU influence the EU common security and defence policy? In order to answer this question, the factors that are most relevant to the United Kingdom’s significance for the EU’s security and defence policy will be identified. This will show how the EU’s potential of the security and defence policy will change, when the UK leaves this organisation. The most important conclusions are included in the summary.

Japan-EU Relations

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie Söderberg
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Environmental Sustainability ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
World Order ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Face ◽  
Partnership Agreement ◽  
High Standards

Japan and the European Union have recently made several agreements aiming to deepen their cooperation. An example of this is the “Partnership on Sustainable Connectivity and Quality Infrastructure between the European Union and Japan,” by which both EU and Japan agreed to “promote free, open, rules-based, fair, non-discriminatory and predictable regional and international trade and investment, transparent procurement practices, the ensuring of debt sustainability and the high standards of economic, fiscal, financial, social and environmental sustainability.” This is just the latest part in an effort by both to revive multilateral cooperation in the face of US withdrawal from international agreements and the rise of a more assertive China. Japan and EUs Strategic Partnership Agreement provides a legally binding framework for further cooperation in the field of politics, security, and development. Underpinning it are shared values and principles of democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and fundamental freedoms. For the protection of democracy and the liberal world order, Japan and the EU seem like ideal partners. The question is whether ongoing shifts in the power balance, geopolitics, crises of liberalism, domestic politics, and legal and technological changes will lead to broader and deeper cooperation. This chapter provides a historical background to Japan-European relations from WWII until today. The relation started with a heavy emphasis on trade and business. It is only recently that the two have broadened their cooperation and now stand up as two of the strongest defenders of a liberal rule-based world order.

A Crise na União Europeia e os Impactos nos Princípios Fundamentais do Trabalho Diante da Flexibilização de Direitos pelos Estados-Membros em Contrariedade aos Preceitos do Direito Comunitário

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 343-356
Author(s):  
Andréa Arruda VAZ ◽  
Marco Antônio Lima Berberi ◽  
Tais Martins
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
International Law ◽  
Human Person ◽  
Working Hours ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Retirement Age ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Labour Law ◽  
The Face ◽  
European Community Law

The research presents in a practical way the impacts of the crisis of 2008 and following years in Europe and the action of the economic block, to mitigate the crisis through austerity measures, which last to date. The search for a solution to the crisis that has plagued the European Union, the possible conflict with unavailable rights and the imposed need for flexibilization of rights, especially in labour law, deserves debate. The measures put forward by the member countries of the European Union to solve the economic crisis are also partly linked to the idea of the suppression of rights. For example, we mention the reduction of working hours, an increase in the retirement age, among other fundamental precepts inherent to the dignity of the human person, which have been made more flexible during the crisis. This article discuss the legality of these flexibilities in the face of the protection of fundamental human rights and European Community law, from the point of view of international law, of the Convention OIT, ONU, which have been ratified by the various countries of Europe. Over the years, the European Union has been going through a series of crises and consequent precarious labour law, one of the most recent and relevant, the UNITED KINGDOM’s withdrawal from the European Union through so-called Brexit.

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